Tag Archives: November 2023
Editor’s Letter
By Jane Bauer
“By standing together in unity, solidarity and love, we will heal the wounds in the earth and in each other. We can make a positive difference through our actions.”
Julia Butterfly Hill
This month our writers explore political parties and revolutions. In my cooking classes I always say that the recipe for a revolution is a few very wealthy people controlling everything while poor people do all the work. This has been true during most of the large revolutions of the past that were a reflection of class struggle.
With technology and the decline of environmental quality, we are seeing a new kind of revolution and it doesn’t care how much stuff you have- in fact the less the better.
Back in 1997 Julia Butterfly Hill ascended Luna—a giant 1,500-year-old redwood tree near Stafford, California, and spent 738 days in a tree to protest the logging industry. Her act was seen as radical and perhaps crazy- there is no denying it was a huge commitment. However when examined through the lens of today, while an outrageous act, the philosophy behind it is being embraced more than ever.
People are fleeing urban areas for cleaner air, access to water and nature – planning for survival in an ever growing hostile world. Peasant life is the new rich. With carbon dioxide levels on our planet at the highest they have been in 4 million years, we have seen a rapid increase in temperature, which is leading to drought, forest fires, dying coral, melting permafrost, loss of biodiversity and decimated crops.
Where this will take us is anyone’s guess. As a species we are slow to make immediate changes for long-term gain- we are impatient and want what we want now.
Thanks for reading,
Jane
The Green Revolution
By Kary Vannice
When we hear the word “revolution,” most of us think of people clashing with other people, fighting for opposing rights or ideologies. However, in recent decades, a new kind of revolution has emerged, one that differs in its focus and purpose. The “Green Revolution” is not about people fighting one another, but about humans combatting a common and existential threat – climate change. This revolution transcends borders and beliefs and pits humanity against the fallout of its own environmentally destructive habits.
Traditional revolutions seek to overthrow existing political systems or religious ideologies. In contrast, the Green Revolution seeks to transform values and behaviors to ensure a sustainable future. It calls for a shift from consumerism to sustainability, from short-term thinking to long-term planning, and from environmental exploitation to conservation and preservation. The transformation it promotes is not political, social, or religious, but connected to our individual and collective values.
Just as different strata of Mexican society rallied together against foreign occupiers during the Mexican Revolution, millions of people across borders, cultures, and demographics have rallied together in the common goal of combating climate change.
All revolutions have their quiet rumblings that start long before they erupt onto the world stage. The Green Revolution’s rumblings started in the mid 20th-century when books like Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring (1962) began raising concerns about the impact of pesticides on the environment. Within a decade, the state of the environment became a major part of the global political conversation; the first Earth Day was held in 1970 and the Stockholm Conference on the Human Environment happened in 1972.
Climate change has been a major headline grabber for the last two decades, so most of us are familiar with the public figures like Greta Thunberg, Jane Goodall, Al Gore, and Leonardo DiCaprio, as well as the most talked about climate concerns like extreme weather events, renewable energy, deforestation, carbon emissions, and rising sea levels. But, as individuals, it’s difficult to take action against such monumental concepts and global threats.
However, we each have ways in which we can contribute to change for a more sustainable future.
Consumer choices have a significant impact on environmental sustainability. People are increasingly using their purchasing power to drive change, demanding eco-friendly and ethical products. Consumer activism and ethical purchasing are all about supporting sustainable businesses, reducing single-use plastics, and opting for renewable energy sources. By making informed choices and asking companies to adopt sustainable practices, individuals play a pivotal role in the Green Revolution.
Financial institutions and investors are recognizing the value of green finance and investments in driving this environmental revolution. Financing renewable energy projects, green infrastructure, and sustainable businesses is essential for transitioning to a low-carbon economy. Green bonds, sustainability-linked loans, and impact investments are key financial instruments that can be employed to support environmentally responsible initiatives.
Green funds typically invest in companies that follow sustainable practices such as renewable energy, clean technology, conservation, and other environmentally responsible activities. By investing in green funds, individuals or institutions can align their investments with their values, contributing to both environmental and financial goals.
Shifting thinking from a “buy-use-dispose” mindset to a more circular “reduce-reuse-recycle” mindset may seem like a small contribution to a mammoth problem, but every big revolution was won because of a series of small battles. In our communities here in Mexico, as well as back home in the US and Canada, it’s generally the low-income and vulnerable communities that bear the brunt of negative environmental impacts and extreme weather events. Before disposing of an unwanted item, consider whether or not it might still have some life left in it for someone else. Donating items rather than throwing them away can extend product lifecycles, minimize environmental impact, and create a more sustainable economic future.
Participating in local, grassroots community clean-up projects like “Playas Limpias,” supporting community-run farmer’s markets, and buying local, sustainably made products can put you on the front lines of the Green Revolution.
The Green Revolution is not just about averting environmental catastrophe; it’s about preserving the planet for future generations and, like many revolutions throughout our history, is a testament to the potential for positive, collective change. The Green Revolution represents a turning point in the way humanity confronts its most significant challenges.
Helping Street Dogs in Puerto Angel
By Debbie LaChance
When we think of life in Mexico, our minds often conjure idyllic images of beautiful beaches, glistening blue waters, and endless sunny skies. While this is undoubtedly true, there’s another, less idyllic aspect to Mexico: it is home to the largest population of stray dogs in Latin America, with an estimated 15 to 18 million dogs living without, or abandoned by, human owners. These animals are a tragic sight, with the majority in extremely poor condition. But amidst this challenging reality, one woman in Puerto Angel, a village just 30 kilometres from Huatulco, has made it her life’s mission to alleviate their suffering.
Claudia Mamet, who works full-time as an English professor at a university in Puerto Angel, has always had a strong relationship with animals. During the COVID-19 pandemic when she needed to work from home, she decided to invest any extra free time she had in helping the street animals in her community. Her journey began with her first Mexican rescue during the pandemic, whom she named Bowie. Bowie’s story would ultimately serve as the inspiration for her to establish her non-profit organization, Dogs of Puerto Angel.
Bowie, like countless others, was born into life on the streets with his siblings and mother. Claudia had them all sterilized and treated for ticks and fleas. She fed them daily, but her living situation prevented her from giving them a home. Bowie vanished one day, only for Claudia to learn that a local farmer had taken him in as a guard dog. After two months, while Claudia was out feeding the street dogs, she stumbled upon Bowie, curled up on the side of the road. The farmer had subjected him to starvation and abuse, ultimately discarding him when he was no longer useful.
Claudia decided to move to a pet-friendly home so she could nurse Bowie back to health. Over the course of two months, he made a remarkable recovery, regaining his cheerful and playful demeanor. However, Bowie had the habit of chasing motorcycles and chickens, which in Mexico is a death sentence for a dog. Recognizing this, Claudia resolved to find Bowie a loving home abroad. With the help of a dear friend, she successfully found a forever home for him with a family in the Netherlands, where he is now thriving. Since then, Claudia’s home has become a sanctuary for sick or dying dogs and cats that need a safe place to recover.
The core mission of Dogs of Puerto Angel is to alleviate the suffering of street dogs and cats through a multi-faceted approach. This includes mass sterilization campaigns, educational initiatives within local schools, and the introduction of new local laws that combat animal abuse and neglect.
Claudia fundraises for these sterilization campaigns, partnering with veterinarians who charge her $300 pesos per animal (about $16.40 USD, $22.50 CAD at current exchange rates). Her objective is always ambitious, aiming to sterilize up to 200 dogs and cats over a single weekend—an astounding achievement.
As a teacher, Claudia believes in the power of education to promote responsible pet ownership and create a more compassionate and conscientious society. She takes every opportunity to visit local schools and conduct workshops that raise children’s awareness about the importance of caring for animals.
Claudia’s advocacy extends to pushing for new local laws that protect animals from abuse. On September 8, 2023, her tireless efforts paid off when the municipality of San Pedro Pochutla accepted her proposals and passed the first-ever local regulation on the Oaxaca coast dedicated to the protection, care, and management of companion animals in the region.
Claudia has dedicated her life to making a difference in the lives of Mexico’s animals. Even though it takes an emotional toll on her to see so much suffering, she perseveres because of the animals she can save. The ones like Bowie.
Dogs of Puerto Angel operates solely on donations, with 100% of donations going directly toward helping the dogs and cats in the region. Please consider donating to this inspiring organization and help spread the word about their invaluable work, which is making a positive impact on the lives of animals here. Dogs of Puerto Angel is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization in the United States, so Americans who donate can take a tax deduction.
To donate, send via PayPal to info@dogsofpuertoangel.org or go to their website (https://dogsofpuertoangel.org/), and click on the “Donate” button on the home page.
From Ireland to India: Novels and the Revolutions that Inspired Them
By Carole Reedy
In hindsight, the stories told of revolutions often seem thrilling. Revolutions themselves are frequently portrayed as virtuous, noble, moral, and/or ethical, and they usually make for exciting reading. In the details, however, lies the reality, which often doesn’t bear out the romance of our perceptions.
Heroes emerge, but there are also the stark realities of revolution, explored in the books selected here. Looking in depth at significant revolutionary figures, famous or not, offers a fresh take on the subject of revolution and those who voluntarily or involuntarily dedicate their lives to a cause.
These highly respected authors have penned unique and well-researched books that mutually illuminate via their distinctive perspectives.
Ireland: A Star Called Henry, by Roddy Doyle (1999)
Doyle’s historical novel is set in Ireland during the 1916 Easter Rising, culminating in the eventual truce signed with the United Kingdom in 1921.
Swashbuckling young Henry Smart tells us his story, from his birth to a poor Irish family through his 20s as a member of the Irish Civil Army. Doyle’s colorful fictional characters are intertwined with the real strugglers for freedom, such as Michael Collins.
This is the first of a trilogy in which Henry escapes to the US in the second book, but returns to Ireland in the third.
Doyle received well-deserved praise for his lyrical composition, though the novels have been criticized for being overly graphic. Personally, I find this exactly the attraction: Doyle’s staccato style full of colorful imagery is the element that not only moves the story but reveals the conjugations of revolution.
Readers can’t help but experience a range of emotions while Doyle enlightens us on Irish history.
France: A Place of Greater Safety, by Hilary Mantel (1992)
The grave. That is the place of greater safety to which Mantel refers in the title of her all-encompassing 872-page-turner about the French Revolution. She tells the story of the Revolution in the late 18th century through the lens of the three major players, coincidentally all lawyers and friends and all executed by guillotine in the Place de Concorde, Paris, in 1794. At the time of their deaths, none had reached the age of 40.
George Danton was the ambitious young lawyer who has been described by several historians as “the chief force in the overthrow of the French monarchy and the establishment of the First French Republic.”
Camille Desmoulins, the charming conspirator and radical pamphleteer, is best known for his role that led to the storming of the Bastille. Although a schoolmate of Robespierre and Desmoulins as well as Danton, Desmoulins and Danton later distanced themselves from Robespierre, criticizing the excesses of the Revolutionary Government.
Danton and Doumoulins were executed side-by-side on April 5, 1794.
Maximilian Robespierre, slight of stature, diligent, and ironically terrified of violence, is often thought of as the “brains” of the Revolution. His role was complicated, as is the entire period of this history.
Mantel has taken a complex series of events and used these three major figures to weave a cogent and satisfying tale. Instead of simply viewing these powerful intellectuals as revolutionary figures, we see them as men in their relationships with others and among themselves.
Most readers are familiar with the late Mantel’s Wolf Hall series, the trilogy that tells the tale of Thomas Cromwell and the beguiling story of England in the 16th century, complete with the colorful Henry the VIII and Anne Boleyn, just two of the starring personages of the series.
For my part, A Place of Greater Safety is the crème de la crème of all of Mantel’s varied and intriguing novels.
Mexico: The Death of Artemio Cruz, by Carlos Fuentes (1962)
We often think of Fuentes’ masterpiece as a novel of the Mexican Revolution, 1910 to 1921, although dates for revolutions are arbitrary since the reverberations seem interminable and unremitting.
The timeline of the novel runs from 1889 to 1960 to give the reader a perspective on the Mexican character. Fuentes uses rotating characters to demonstrate “the complexities of a human or national personality.”
Carlos Fuentes is to Mexico what García Márquez, Julio Cortázar, and Mario Vargas Llosa are to Colombia, Argentina, and Peru, respectively. He was, and still is, one of the most admired writers in Mexico, with distinguished recognition worldwide.
It was often thought he deserved the Nobel Prize for Literature, but like so many venerable writers (Philip Roth, Javier Marías, Salman Rushdie) he was somehow overlooked.
Women: Women Talking by Miriam Toews (2018)
This daring story, based on fact, tells of the courage of women in a Mennonite community who decide to determine their own future and that of their children after suffering abuse from the men in power. The actual incident took place in a Mennonite community in Bolivia.
The novel was transformed into a successful and tense movie (2022) despite the fact that the action is solely women talking. The detailed depiction of the women is at the core of the book, and the perfect and precise casting contributes to the success of the movie. Directed by Sarah Polley, Frances McDormand, Rooney Mara, Jessie Buckley, and Clare Foy dominate the screen with their superb skills.
India: Midnight’s Children, by Salman Rushdie (1981)
After a hundred years or more of struggle for independence from Britain, India was partitioned into the new states of Pakistan and India in 1947, a haphazard and tragic map devised by the British. While the former “colony” was finally free from British rule, in the years that followed perhaps even more blood was shed amongst Muslims and Hindus in the chaos that ensued after partition.
Enter Salem, a boy born with a powerful gift of telepathy at the precise hour in 1947 that India was freed from British rule. Thus another surrealistic tale from the master of storytelling begins.
With magical realism, the formidable Rushdie gives us a history of family and country during the havoc and muddling of the authorities in the years following 1947.
Midnight’s Children won the Booker Prize in 1981. In addition, it was awarded the “Booker of Bookers” Prize in both 1993 and 2008, celebrating the 25th and 40th anniversaries of the Booker Prize. Unfortunately, Rushdie was once again overlooked for the Nobel Prize this year.
Next month: My favorite reads of 2023.
Zapatistas and the Modern World
By Brooke O’Connor
As November brings our minds to politics, we see wars and conflicts around the globe. It’s easy to think, “It’s far away from me,” or “It’s not my business,” but political unrest is around the corner in every culture.
In Mexico, we see how uprisings with the Zapatistas played out not so long ago. Those uprisings are continuing to affect important historical and cultural areas of Mexico.
Who Are the Zapatistas?
The Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (Zapatista National Liberation Army, or EZLN) is a guerrilla group in Mexico. It was founded in 1983 and named after the inspiring peasant revolutionary Emiliano Zapata, who led the Liberation Army of the South during the Mexican Revolution (1910-21). Zapata’s forces fought for land reform, with the goal of reclaiming communal lands (ejidos) stolen by large agricultural haciendas (encouraged by the national government).
On January 1, 1994, the Zapatistas initiated a rebellion from their base in Chiapas, Mexico’s southernmost state. They aimed to protest against economic policies that they believed would harm the indigenous population of Mexico. This uprising later transformed into a powerful political movement, advocating for the rights and empowerment of Mexico’s marginalized indigenous communities.
Background
The Zapatista movement has a fascinating history that should be better known. Although they say they were founded in 1983, it was in the early 1990s that they started to gain followers. From their base in the Lacandón rainforest in eastern Chiapas, they called on Mexico’s indigenous people to rise up against the one-party rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI).
The Zapatistas wanted greater political and cultural autonomy for indigenous people in Chiapas and the rest of Mexico, and specifically to reform land ownership and distribution. The reason for their rebellion was a series of economic reforms introduced by the Mexican government to prepare for the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which would link Mexico, the United States, and Canada. The Zapatistas believed that these reforms would make indigenous people even poorer, especially a land reform bill that would privatize communal farms.
The Rebellion
On January 1, 1994, NAFTA came into effect. On that very day, the Zapatistas took control of four towns in Chiapas. Led by the charismatic Subcomandante Marcos (Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente), they called on indigenous people from all over Mexico to join their cause. The rebels bravely held these towns for several days, battling with Mexican troops before retreating into the surrounding jungle. Over a hundred lives were lost during these initial clashes.
The impact of this uprising was far-reaching, as it quickly spread to other parts of Chiapas. In the following years, insurrections erupted in adjacent and nearby states – Veracruz, Oaxaca, Guerrero, and Puebla. Numerous indigenous communities supported the EZLN throughout this time. In fact, many municipios (roughly equivalent to a US or Canadian county) even declared themselves autonomous from both the state and federal governments, demonstrating their solidarity with the Zapatistas.
In 1994, President Carlos Salinas de Gortari started peace talks, but the conflict with the EZLN was not resolved by the time Ernesto Zedillo became president later that year. In February 1995, President Zedillo tried to use military force against the EZLN and even issued arrest warrants for Subcomandante Marcos and other important Zapatistas. However, these actions were unpopular, so Zedillo changed his mind and resumed negotiations with the EZLN.
The talks continued until February16, 1996, when both sides signed the San Andrés Accords. These accords included plans for land reform, indigenous autonomy, and cultural rights. The Mexican government, unfortunately, showed no signs of initiating any of the agreement’s provisions, and the EZLN broke off talks on August 29, requiring that the government fulfill their obligations under the Accords before talks could resume. The Mexican government offered a new agreement that basically ignored the San Andrés Accords, despite the government’s declaration that it had fulfilled the Accords. In December of that year, Zedillo rejected the agreements.
In the meantime, the government was also involved in a secret war against the rebels. They provided weapons to paramilitary groups who fought against the Zapatistas and their followers, often targeting innocent civilians to punish them for supporting the rebels. On December 22, 1997, in the tiny village of Acteal, Máscara Roja (Red Mask) a paramilitary group called aligned with the PRI, massacred 45 people, including pregnant women and children. The victims were members of a pacifist group called Las Abejas (The Bees), attending an indigenous Catholic prayer meeting. Las Abejas supported the Zapatistas, and espoused the group’s rejection of violence.
The Political Movement
Despite occasional conflicts, the Zapatistas eventually moved away from using weapons and instead focused on peaceful political actions. At the local level, they established administrative systems within the villages they controlled. Over time, they also created various local centers of government called caracoles (snails – the Zapatistas specifically meant conchas; conch shells magnify sound, both incoming and outgoing). According to Subcomandante Marcos, the caracoles are an interface between the Zapatistas and the larger world; they are
like doors which allow entry to communities and allow the communities to exit; like windows so that people can look inside and so that we can see outside; like megaphones to project our words into the distance and to hear the voice of the one that is far away. But above all to remind us that we should watch over and be responsive to the totality of the worlds that populate the world.
On a national scale, in 1999, the group organized the National Consultation on Indigenous Rights and Culture. Thousands of individual Zapatistas carried out the National Consultation by visiting indigenous towns and villages to conduct discussions of the issues driving the San Andreas Accords. On March 21, 1999, the EZLN held a national poll on indigenous rights. Approximately three million Mexicans participated in the voting, and the overwhelming majority supported the implementation of the San Andrés Accords.
Since the 1990s, amid many political twists and turns, Zapatismo has evolved into a global social movement that has gained strong support from progressive groups in the United States and Europe. The new Zapatismo movement promotes indigenous rights, cultural diversity, and standing against globalization and capitalism. Instead of focusing solely on class struggle, they believe in the power of building broad coalitions and grassroots movements to challenge the neoliberal world order. Unlike resorting to armed conflict, their strategy revolves around capturing the attention of the international media, earning them the title of the world’s first “virtual guerrilla” movement.
How Does This Affect Mexico Today?
Ironically, this anti-globalism movement has formed strong connections with foreign organizations over the years, ties that have been crucial for the EZLN’s survival. International organizations have been generous in providing donations and platforms for selling products, such as coffee, in a manner that they claim offers an alternative to globalism without exploiting indigenous communities.
These connections with other worlds beyond Mexico has led the Zapatistas to take a stance on various issues, including gender identity, the Ukraine-Russia conflict, COVID policies, rail lines in Norwegian Sami territory, and President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s Maya Train project.
While their autonomous strategy has aimed to address local needs like healthcare and education, its effectiveness in improving the situation remains a subject of debate. Chiapas, including the Zapatista territory, continues to face extreme poverty. Moreover, the absence of federal troops has made the area quite appealing to human and drug smugglers, which is ironic considering the international connections involved.
Paradoxically, Subcomandante Marcos could well be considered the most extraordinary tourism ambassador the state has ever had. Before 1994, there were some tourists and foreign residents in Chiapas, but the media coverage attracted even more curious or idealistic people. They came not only to experience the rich native cultures but also with the hope of encountering someone wearing a black Zapatista pasamontaña (balaclava).
Moral of the Story
The only constant is change, and only sometimes does what seems to be a noble cause yield the results a movement sought initially. The author believes that the only way we can effectively initiate change is within ourselves first, then within our homes, and slowly, within our community through example and concern for our fellow man. Maybe then we can eliminate the endless death and destruction that war and uprisings bring because of political differences.
Coalitions and Democracy: Navigating Mexico’s Unique Political Landscape
By Randy Jackson
Both Mexico and the United States will hold their federal elections in 2024. Although the Republic of Mexico has a federal government structure similar to that of the United States, with both countries featuring a president and bicameral legislatures, the nature of the democratic process between these two nations is strikingly different. In the United States, despite the availability of other party choices, voters, in all practicality, must choose between two political parties. In contrast, Mexico’s democracy is more dynamic, with a wide variety of viable political parties. This diversity has led to the emergence of coalitions as a fundamental aspect of the country’s political landscape. In this ever-evolving political landscape, coalitions have become pivotal in determining the course of governance in Mexico.
As we approach the Mexico General Election (scheduled for June 2, 2024), it may be helpful to provide an overview of how coalitions operate within Mexico’s federal governance.
FEDERAL GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE
The federal level of Mexico’s government consists of three branches: the Executive (President), the Chamber of Deputies, and the Senate. All three branches play crucial roles in passing legislation. Each branch operates under different electoral rules. The President is elected through a plurality vote (the highest number of votes). In contrast, the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate have members elected through both plurality and proportional representation, with each employing distinct proportional representation methodologies.
THE IMPORTANCE OF COALITIONS
With the elections of 2000, seventy years of continuous single-party rule by Mexico’s Institutional Revolutionary Party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional – PRI) came to an end with the election of President Vicente Fox. Since then, the governance of Mexico has relied on coalitions. Under the current administration of Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), seven parties hold seats in the Chamber of Deputies and Senate. These seven parties are organized into two coalitions: the governing coalition and the opposition coalition.
Prior to each election cycle, new coalition agreements are established through formal agreements among the parties. In the last federal election (2018), a left-of-center coalition, calling themselves Juntos Haremos Historia (together we will make history), was formed. It consisted of MORENA (Movimiento Regeneración Nacional, or National Regeneration Movement – MRN), the Labour Party (Partido del Trabajo – PT), and the Social Encounter Party (Partido Encuentro Social – PES). This coalition emerged victorious in the election, with AMLO securing the Office of the President. The PES dissolved in 2018. In 2020, just before the midterm elections, the entire coalition dissolved, and a new coalition – Juntos Hacemos Historia (together we make [present tense] history) – added the Green Party (Partido Verde Ecologista de México, or PVEM) to its roster. This coalition has once again chosen MORENA to lead, with Claudia Sheinbaum as their presidential candidate for 2024. Neither the PT nor the PVM will field a candidate in the presidential election, thus consolidating the votes for MORENA.
On the opposition side, a center-right coalition named FAM (Frente Amplio por México, or Broad Front for Mexico) is led by the PAN (Partido Acción Nacional, or National Action Party). It also includes the PRI, MC (Movimiento Ciudadano, or Citizens’ Movement), and PRD (Partido de la Revolución Democrática, or Party of the Democratic Revolution). This coalition enters the 2024 election with the PAN’s leader, Xóchitl Gálvez, as their presidential candidate. Similarly, the other parties in the coalition will not nominate a candidate for President to maximize support for PAN.
It’s important to note that the Presidency can be won by a candidate from one of these two coalitions or even another party. Furthermore, the composition of the Congress of the Union (comprising the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate) can result in various scenarios. This may lead to the formation of new coalitions for effective governance or possibly a period of political disarray, akin to the current situation in the United States.
THE STRUCTURE OF MEXICO’S GOVERNMENT
Understanding the significance of coalitions in Mexican governance requires a basic understanding of the division of powers between government branches and the election methods for different branches.
The Office of the President
The President of Mexico serves as the head of the executive branch, with responsibilities including being the Head of Government, Head of State, Commander of the Armed Forces, and head of the Federal Public Administration. The Presidential term lasts for six years, and Presidents are ineligible to run for subsequent elections. The President plays a pivotal role in approving or vetoing legislation. To advance a legislative agenda, the President must collaborate with the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate. Additionally, the President is responsible for making key appointments, such as those to the Supreme Court, diplomatic posts, and various federal agencies. These appointments require confirmation by the Senate.
Presidential elections in Mexico are based on a plurality system, meaning the candidate with the most votes wins. For instance, in 2018, AMLO secured 54% of the popular vote (there were four final candidates). In 2012, Enrique Pena Nieto won the Presidency with 38% of the vote (three final candidates), and in 2006, Filipe Calderon emerged victorious with 36% of the vote (three final candidates). Coalitions play a vital role in Presidential elections, as parties within a coalition with somewhat similar political leanings abstain from running their own candidates to prevent vote splitting.
The Chamber of Deputies
The Chamber of Deputies comprises 500 members, with elections held every three years. Its powers encompass passing laws, levying taxes, declaring war, initiating impeachment proceedings, and ratifying foreign treaties. Seven parties currently hold seats in the Chamber of Deputies, grouped into two coalitions: the Governing Coalition and the Opposition Coalition.
Of the 500 deputies, 300 are elected through plurality voting in each of the 300 constituencies throughout the country. The remaining 200 deputies are allocated through proportional representation. These seats are distributed based on the popular vote in five distinct regions of Mexico, each with an allocation of 40 seats. Calculations are made to assign the percentage of seats each party receives in each of the five regions.
The Senate
The Senate comprises 128 members, with four seats designated for each of the 31 states and Mexico City. Senators serve six-year terms and possess the authority to pass laws and confirm appointments to the Supreme Court, diplomatic positions, and other presidential appointments.
Out of the 128 senators, half (64) are elected directly via plurality voting in each state, along with Mexico City. An additional 64 senators are allocated through two distinct proportional representation systems. Among the directly elected Senators, the two candidates with the highest vote counts in each state and Mexico City secure a seat.
Subsequently, one additional seat is assigned for each state and Mexico City through the “First Minority System.” In this process, one Senate seat is granted for each state based on the highest percentage of national senate results overall. However, if the overall national results for the first-place party match the parties of the directly elected senators for that state and Mexico City, the seat is assigned to the next most popular party in that region.
Finally, in the “Second Minority System,” one Senate seat is allocated for each state and Mexico City based on the second highest national senate results overall. Once again, if the second most popular party nationally aligns with the party of the two directly elected senators from that state and Mexico City, the seat is awarded to the next most popular party in that region.
In conclusion, the very structure of the electoral system for the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, with its proportional representation, promotes a diversity of political parties, thereby necessitating the formation of coalitions. As we approach the 2024 Mexican general election, it will be interesting to watch how the results will determine the reshaping of coalitions in the governance of Mexico.
Email: box95jackson@gmail.com
Claudia Sheinbaum: The Next President of Mexico
By Marcia Chaiken and Jan Chaiken
Unless there is a major political upset in the next eight months, Claudia Sheinbaum is on track to be elected in June 2024 as the next president of Mexico. A poll published in September by El Universal, a major Mexico City newspaper, indicated that she was then far ahead of her four opponents; in a four-way race, she garnered 50% of the vote. Her party, the National Regeneration Movement (MORENA), in coalition with other parties, has captured the loyalty of the majority of Mexican voters; MORENA alone received 53% of the vote in the poll. And her champion, Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), the current president of Mexico and founder of left-leaning MORENA, has such a high approval rating (60%) that it is a relatively safe bet to start planning to watch her inauguration.
According to The Times of Israel, not only would Sheinbaum be the first woman president of Mexico, she would join a very small number of Jews outside Israel who have become heads of state: Janet Jagan (Guyana), Ricardo Maduro (Honduras), Pedro Pablo Kuczynski (Peru) and, of course, Ukraine’s own Volodymyr Zelensky; she would be the first Jewish person ever to head a country with a population over 50 million people. But Sheinbaum is very quiet about her Judaism, probably partly due to the adamant post-Revolution separation in Mexico between religion and state, the fact that most Jews in Mexico are politically very conservative and unlikely to vote for a MORENA candidate, and the misinformation and smear campaign used against her by her political rivals, notably the former president Vicente Fox. Although antisemitism rears its ugly head less frequently in Mexico than in many other countries, a rumor was started that she wasn’t a viable candidate for president since she was born in Bulgaria – ultimately squelched by the publication of Sheinbaum’s Mexico City birth certificate. And in response to Fox’s intimation that her rival, Gálvez, was a true Mexican (but implicitly not Sheinbaum), Claudia retorted that she was “as Mexican as mole.”
One might say that Sheinbaum has been on track to become the first woman president of Mexico since she was born, 61 years ago. Her parents, two super-achieving scientists affiliated with the National University of Mexico (UNAM), were themselves children of immigrants seeking refuge in Mexico from religious persecution. Her father’s family fled from Russian pogroms and forced conscription of Jews in Lithuania in the 1920s. Her mother’s family escaped the Holocaust, the systematic murder of Jews in Bulgaria in the 1940s. And since young Claudia was close to her grandparents and attended a Jewish secular coed elementary school, there is little doubt that she was imbued with a formative knowledge of the perils of rabid discrimination and the value of helping those who are being oppressed by powerful authoritarians.
After completing her secondary education at Colegio de Ciencias y Humanidades (CCH), a feeder school for UNAM, she matriculated at UNAM studying physics and simultaneously joining other student activists on campus. Her political activism continued throughout her undergraduate and graduate studies, and as a UNAM faculty member in 1998 she was instrumental in the founding of the Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD). After completing her bachelor’s degree in physics in 1989, she went on to complete her master’s degree and Ph.D. in energy engineering, carrying out research at Lawrence Laboratories, UC Berkeley, on comparative international consumption of energy. She returned to UNAM when she accepted a faculty appointment in 1995.
As an undergraduate, Claudia met and briefly dated student Jesús María Tarriba Unger, currently soon to be her second husband; Tarriba completed his dissertation in physics at UNAM in 1987 and began an award-winning career in financial risk-model applied research. After breaking up with Tarriba, Claudia dated and in 1987 married Carlos Imaz Gispert. She became a stepmother to Imaz’s five-year-old son and in 1988 the couple had a daughter, Mariana, who carried out the Sheinbaum family’s multigenerational academic achievement, earning a BA in history from UNAM, a Master’s degree in comparative literature from the University of Barcelona and a master’s and Ph.D. from the University of California, Santa Cruz. Mariana currently is the Academic Coordinator of Humanities at UNAM-Boston. Claudia and Imaz were divorced in 2016 after 29 years of marriage.
One of the closest political ties Sheinbaum made during her political activism was with AMLO. As Mayor of Mexico City (CDMX), he appointed her as his environmental minister in 2000. In that position, she applied her academic knowledge to reshaping the city’s transportation system, including the installation of the highly efficient and easy-to-use MetroBus that quickly whisks passengers along many routes, including trips from the international airport to the central downtown area.
Claudia was once again back on the faculty of UNAM after 2005 when AMLO stepped down from being Mayor of CDMX to unsuccessfully run for President. She quickly shifted gears, but not fields, and became part of the United Nations Intergovernmental Panel On Climate Change, working on assessment of mitigation approaches; along with former U.S, Vice President Al Gore, the group was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2007.
Her absence from the political arena lasted only a few years, and in 2015 she was elected Mayor of Tlalpan, a district of Mexico City. Three years later she was elected Mayor of the City itself, the first woman to hold that office. The processes leading to her election and the reforms she carried out as Mayor were described in The Eye by Carole Reedy (March and November, 2019) – but the bottom line is that she was elected by a large majority based on her platform, and she carried out the measures she promised.
Like all politicians, she has her detractors. She’s been blamed for the outcomes of natural disasters, smeared by some as being too instrumental in the success of her daughter, and accused by others as being simply the puppet of AMLO. Yet, her resume speaks for itself and she remains hugely popular. There is no doubt that she will continue to carry on some of the approaches initiated by AMLO – but given her research in and passion for mitigating climate change and building a sustainable world, one can be quite sure that she will be taking a different direction than AMLO did in supporting Mexico’s petrol industry.
Since we are not citizens of Mexico, we cannot vote for her. But given her past accomplishments, we are looking forward to seeing what successes she will have as President of Mexico.
Saving Fish from Drowning
By Jane Bauer
‘Do not feed stray dogs and cats.’ I recently posted this opinion on a thread and received a snappy comment from someone who called me cold-hearted and that they couldn’t believe we had friends in common, as though who would be friends with someone who wouldn’t feed stray animals.
While I have seen our community grow, I have seen the stray animal population grow as well.
Different cultures have varied standards for how they regard different animals. In Ecuador eating guinea pigs is a norm, while in the US and Canada they are regarded as pets. While much of the world considers dogs and cats as pets rather than food, there are still many countries where they straddle into the food category. In the Philippines dog meat is the third most popularly consumed meat after pork and goat. In Vietnam fried cat meat and beer is a popular dish in Hanoi. When I was in Switzerland, I was surprised to find Canadian horse meat on offer at the local grocery store. In India cows are considered sacred and not-food, in fact, there are entire towns that are vegetarian. All this to say that there is a wide spectrum of cultural divide in how animals are treated.
While in North America (Canada, US, Mexico) cats and dogs are non-food, there are discrepancies with how they are cared for. For many, pets become a part of our family, they are treated like children that are helpless and require human care for all their needs. For others, they are nice to have, but they also serve the purpose of protection, status or keeping other unwanted critters away.
As the coast has become more developed there are some wonderful organizations that have done amazing work with spay and neuter clinics to help keep the dogs and cats from overpopulation. This is very important because overpopulation of stray animals can lead to pack mentality, they can carry disease and take a toll on the other wildlife.
Then there is the feeding. Each morning during the tourist season as I drive into work, I see a blond woman putting out bowls of food in front of her condo, a pack of dogs cluster around her and she looks very pleased with herself. However, for the rest of the year these dogs roam the neighborhood looking for humans to feed them and have been known to get aggressive.
I recently pulled up to Chahue beach for a sunrise meditation and witnessed a man surrounded by about thirty cats as he doled out kibble, the cats were practically clambering up his legs. While I am sure he believed he was doing a good deed, science would tell you he was not.
Feeding stray animals causes them to congregate in small areas where they are at greater risk from car traffic. If they are not fed by humans, they will expand their search for food and spread out. Cats or dogs hanging out in one spot means they will poop in one spot. If this is an area where people walk their domesticated pets or children play, they are at risk for a variety of zoonotic diseases. Stray cats that are fed by humans are more likely to breed. One study found that stray cats NOT fed by people have smaller litters and lower kitten survival rate. Long-term feeding makes animals dependent on humans and contributes to breeding.
“Sure, some animals do need our help as we often need theirs. But most of them are doing perfectly well on their own and our failure to recognize that not only undermines their natural instincts and intelligence, but can also send us down the rabbit hole of martyrdom and hero syndrome which we can all do without.” Rubaiya Ahmad, founder of Obhoyaronno – Bangladesh Animal Welfare Foundation which is leading the charge for animals in Bangladesh.
So why do people feed stray animals? Check your own bias and needs that are being filled by this act. I have sponsored two spay and neuter clinics in my village and have been asked by many people ‘but why do white people steal dogs.’ Seeing a dog off a leash does not mean it is homeless. If you want to help animals I suggest making a donation to an organization that does spay and neuter clinics.
And why dogs and cats? There are many animals that can use our help. Save marine life by not using sunscreen when you swim or go vegan. Save a chicken, and bring it home with you to Calgary. Studies have shown that chickens feel empathy, experience REM dreams, are behaviorally sophisticated, and demonstrate thinking skills on par with mammals and primates.
A good rule of thumb I use before feeding a stray animal is to ask myself whether I am willing to domesticate it all the way. This means to provide housing, regular food, spaying/neutering, and vaccinations over the course of its lifetime. If the answer is no, walk away.
The best way to help street animals is to financially support organizations that perform free spay and neuter clinics.
A Cultural and Culinary Concierge for Oaxaca
By Anna Von Frances
Mario Rubén Ramírez López, better known as the cultural guide Mario Come Oaxaca (“Mario Eats Oaxaca), is already waiting for me at a corner table in the back of a blink-and-you’d-miss-it Middle Eastern restaurant tucked away on a cobblestone side street in Xochimilco. I don’t have to look for him, even though the restaurant is relatively full, because his presence, although subtle, commands attention wherever he goes. There is a sort of fairy dust that Mario emits, that it-factor prerequisite of 70s rockstars – people are naturally drawn in. Mario somehow manages to be understated and over the top in the same exact breath. He’s wearing a traditional Oaxacan dress and giant faux fur sandals – he does not blend, and yet, you feel at home with him. In fact, he’s so at home, he’s like a ballerina gliding her body through the space around her.
Mario also seems to glide though markets, past street vendors and around restaurants, comfortably working any room in front of him. His love of Oaxacan food, art, culture, and the people who create it is so infectious you can’t help but get excited yourself. I mean the excitement is palpable.
He doesn’t care that I am late. In fact, he doesn’t even mention it. In some ways we are meeting for the first time but have been in contact for years. I have been taking note of all his recommendations and writing to him about tours and restaurants since I found him three years ago in the midst of the pandemic.
I hesitate to describe “Mario Come Oaxaca” as a food tour, or even an “experience,” because both would come off as trite. Mario is more of a culinary concierge to the city than a tour guide, and it shows. As both a chef and artist in his own right, he has a very carefully curated selection of food and art vendors, built up over decades of working in Oaxaca. Going out with him is an intimate experience – he’s simply inviting you into his culture, and sharing his best recommendations. Eschewing Airbnb and all other mass marketing strategies, he simply books through his social media channels. Want more information? Click the link and you will be directed to his personal What’sApp – which is exactly how we met three years ago and have stayed in touch ever since. It feels as if we are friends and I imagine that is how all his guests feel. It is effortless how he navigates these relationships (which are really his work), always inviting you in and making time for you, always offering you a menu suggestion or a great mezcal.
There is no equal to Oaxaca in terms of its culinary prowess. Mexico, as a nation, enjoys a UNESCO designation on its cuisine, but Oaxaca is the jewel in that crown. It’s where the tortilla, tomato and cacao were born, the cuisine is literally and figuratively endless. In a world of culinary kings, Oaxaca is a king maker. For generations, it’s been a tourism beacon to international chefs, foodies and Mexicans looking to get caught up in an infectious cultural cornucopia of mezcal, cacao, corn, and mushrooms.
Since COVID, however, Oaxaca has been flooded with a new kind of mass market tourism that has made it harder to get straight to its authentic heart. People have always flocked to Oaxaca to eat, but now they are driven more by price point and Instagram selfies, which has somewhat muddied the waters.
Looking for a tour online can be overwhelming. The commodification of Oaxaca is ever present online and in the streets. Lineups have formed. The hot sauce is not spicing like it once was. Day of the Dead is sponsored by international vodka brands now, bringing in electronic music DJs from Europe. Mario calls this the “Coco effect,” after the Pixar movie, which may have had a heavy hand in it. But for me it’s more of a global trend – vaguely reminiscent of a homogenized Starbucks lineup.
We need hosts like Mario more than ever. His story starts in an all too familiar place: three years ago, he was working as a chef in the kitchen of a mezcaleria and lost his job because of COVID and had to move back to his home town of La Mixteca, which is almost at the border of Puebla to the north. Mario was already known around town for his impeccable taste, regularly invited to share a mezcal and his recommendations at the tables of guests in restaurants he worked in. From his family home, he put out some feelers on his Instagram page and booked his first tour within an hour. And things have only grown since that first timid post.
What drew me to him was his taste. Bar none. So many guides who were once locals-in-the-know have been swallowed up by the Starbucks line up and now work with big brands for cash, shedding the small local artisans that made them so popular in favor of branded content and paid-in-full vacations. Mario is a staunch foodie – as a chef, he’s always on the hunt for quality, and there is no shortage of it to showcase in Oaxaca either. You come to Mario when you want to discover something new, when you really want to learn how to eat. And the best part is, whether it’s your first time and you want a proper intimate introduction to Oaxaca cuisine, or you have been a hundred times and you’re looking to up your game, he has both covered with style.
In recent years, Mario has added tours out of the capital city to towns in the Isthmus, as well as the north; most notably his tour to Huautla, home of the mushroom majesty herself, María Sabina. Each of Mario’s tours is off the beaten path and works with locals who are featured directly. On these tours you will still get salsas that pica and mezcal served in unmarked bottles.
To get the best out of his experiences, Mario suggests, “that you come with an open mind, ready to integrate into the culture.”
Here are his top favourite haunts to take visitors to:
- Mercado de Abastos: “My number one, because it’s the largest market in Oaxaca, where you will find anything and everything.”
- Tianguis de Tlacolula: “It’s the oldest market in the state, where corn and cacao were previously exchanged for goods.”
- A tie between the markets of Ocotitlan and Zaachila: “They may not be as well known, but they have retained their essence and authenticity.”
For more info or to book a tour, please visit his Instagram page directly @mario.come.oaxaca.
Photo by Guillermina Foto @ stamatti_foto
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