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Public Transportation in Mexico City

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By Julie Etra

Pre-Hispanic Transportation
The original form of transportation in the pre-conquest city of Tenochtitlán, now modern Mexico City, was by flat-bottomed canoes called trajineras. It is unclear if there was any form of “public” transportation through the canal systems surrounding the island. Some of these canals persisted until about 1920 and continued to be used for commerce—particularly for transporting food and flowers—as well as for personal transportation. At the time, these canals and aqueducts connected the heart of the city to areas like Chalco and Xochimilco in the south. Xochimilco, and to a lesser extent Lago Nabor Carrillo, are existing remnants of the pre-conquest wetland system. Lago Nabor Carrillo, an artificial rectangular lake, is what remains of Lake Texcoco. It is hydrologically isolated, contains numerous wells, and serves as a water storage system for Mexico City.
The 20th Century
Electric trams, or tranvías as they are known in Spanish, began operating in the historic central part of the city in the 1900s. These streetcars were initially horse-drawn but were later modernized with overhead electrical lines while still using the original rail system. The Compañía de Tranvías Eléctricos de México took ownership of the city’s public transportation network in 1901. As automobiles became more popular in the 1930s, public transportation expanded to include an extensive bus system that served what were then considered the outskirts of the city, such as Coyoacán.
The newer Servicio de Transportes Eléctricos was organized in 1947 but did not completely take control of the system until 1952. Following the activation of the Metro system (see below), tram routes were gradually abandoned until the last urban tram—including the circuito histórico (historic district route)—closed in 1979.
In 1925, the wooden bus in which Frida Kahlo was traveling back to her home in Coyoacán was hit by a heavier metal tram, resulting in the severe accident that crippled the artist when she was only 18 years old.

The Metro System
After decades of relying on color-coded buses, the Mexico City Metro was first conceived in 1967. The first line opened in 1969, covering an initial route of 12.7 kilometers (7.9 miles). The system was built in response to the ever-increasing traffic of the mid-1950s, particularly in the downtown historic center, where it was often said to be faster to walk than to drive.
This rapid transit system is the second-largest in North America, following the New York City subway. As of 2015, it included 12 lines and 195 stations, with 115 of those stations underground. The deepest station lies 35 meters (115 feet) below ground. The Metro uses pneumatic (rubber) tires, which ensure a quieter and smoother ride compared to steel wheels. Many stations are named after historical figures or events, providing an educational experience along with transportation.
Engineering assistance for the Metro was provided by France, including the pneumatic technology. Construction occurred in seven phases, with the last phase completed in 2015. The design also accounted for earthquakes; rectangular structures were used instead of arches, which helped the system withstand the 8.0 earthquake of 1985 with minimal damage. During that event, the Metro was shut down to avoid electrocution and to allow for debris removal.
Excavation for the Metro yielded more than 20,000 archaeological findings, as well as fossils, including mammoth bones. During the construction of Stage 1 in the late 1960s, the Mexica Temple of Ehécatl was discovered near the future Pino Suárez station, requiring a complete redesign of the project.
You can buy a Metro Card at ticket booths and vending machines in the Metro station, from the machines in a Metrobús station, or from the ticket windows in the light rail stations. The Metro Card is rechargeable at those locations. If you have a Metro Card, you can use it for the Ecobici public bicycles – there are other ways to use the bikes, check them out on https://mexicocity.cdmx.gob.mx/e/getting-around/ecobici/.

Cablebús
Construction of an alternative public transportation system, Sistema de Transporte Público (also known as Cablebús), was announced on February 7, 2019, by then-Mayor of Mexico City and current President Claudia Sheinbaum. It began operation on July 11, 2021. This aerial cable car system features three lines and 19 stations, spanning a total of 24.75 kilometers (15.4 miles). It was developed primarily to relieve traffic congestion in high-density neighborhoods, although Line 3 offers scenic views of Chapultepec Park. The system is operated by Servicio de Transportes Eléctricos, the same agency that manages other branches of public transportation.
The fare is seven pesos ($0.34 USD), and children under five and adults over 70 ride for free. Tickets and prepaid passes are available at stations. Line 1 consists of 377 gondolas, each seating up to 10 people (weighing 75–80 kg or 165–176 lbs per person). The ride takes about 33 minutes at a speed of 21.6 kilometers (13.4 miles) per hour. Line 3 conveniently connects to Line 7 of the Metro system.

The detachable gondolas, manufactured by the Swiss company CWA Construction, feature foldable wooden seats that allow entry for bicycles and walkers. Ventilation systems are located in the lower part of the cabin, eliminating the need for air conditioning during the summer. Additionally, the gondolas include interior and exterior lighting, Wi-Fi, surveillance cameras, and anti-vandalism technology.
We plan to visit Mexico City in late February 2025 and will share our personal experience of using the Cablebús system. The views of the city from this modern, rapid, and efficient mode of transportation should be spectacular, especially on a clear day.

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Mexico City’s Water Crisis

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By Julie Etra

Mexico City is facing a severe water crisis, a situation rooted in centuries of mismanagement dating back to the Spanish conquest of Tenochtitlan, now modern-day Mexico City. After the conquest, Tenochtitlan expanded into the five lakes that formed the closed basin of Mexico. These lakes, which had no natural outlet, varied in elevation and water quality. The Mexica (also known as the Aztecs) had successfully engineered the lakes by building a series of dikes and causeways starting in the 1420s, separating the brackish from fresh water.

Before 1466, fresh water was sourced from the springs at Chapultepec, accessed via canoes or trajineras (shallow-bottomed boats). During this time, the poet-engineer Nezahualcóyotl built the first aqueduct. However, the Spanish, inheriting a system they didn’t fully understand, began a series of drainage projects to dry what they considered a swamp. These efforts, combined with land-use changes such as grazing, cultivation, and deforestation, led to erosion and siltation. These projects, along with seasonal rains, couldn’t prevent periodic floods, which struck in 1555, 1580, 1607, 1615, and 1623. Despite persistent flooding, the Spanish refused to relocate to the mainland, convinced that the lake system could eventually be drained.

The first major engineering project came in 1607-1608, under the direction of Enrique Martinez. A tunnel was excavated to a low point in Nochistongo, called the Desagüe, but the plan failed. In the great flood of 1629, the only dry spot left was around the Zócalo (then known as the ‘island of the dogs’) where people sought refuge. The Catholic Church leaders, undeterred, even held mass on the rooftops. The floods lasted for five years, and the death toll reached over 30,000, largely due to disease in the unsanitary, muddy conditions. Despite these horrors, the Church and the government (which were essentially one and the same) justified staying on the island, minimizing the destruction in their reports to the King of Spain, instead of moving to the mainland.

The paradox continued into the 20th century with ever-larger engineering projects. In 1857, Francisco Garay was awarded a contract by the federal government to design a new system. His project included a 50 km tunnel from San Lázaro, east of the city, which channeled rivers and incorporated over 200 minor canals. The goal was not just to drain the basin, but also to provide irrigation for fields and create a waterway transportation system—a lofty vision that was never fully realized.

Under the regime of dictator Porfirio Díaz, the “Great Canal” was constructed at the end of the 19th century, abandoning Garay’s multi-purpose plan in favor of a more direct, single-minded effort to “conquer nature.” Between 1886 and 1900, the canal, 47 km long, with a 10 km tunnel, dams, and bridges, was built. Despite the scale of the project, the government could not overcome the topography, and flooding returned in the 1920s and again in 1945. By then, the canal’s flow had become nearly flat, and it filled with fine sediment. This required the construction of 11 pumping stations, a costly and inefficient solution.

Another attempt came in 1975, when an elaborate system of underground tunnels and pumps was installed at depths ranging from 88.5 ft. to 712 ft. (22 to 217 meters). The most recent infrastructure, built in 2019, included a massive 38-mile tunnel system meant to drain water away from the city.

Ironically, the water crisis in Mexico City today is one of scarcity rather than excess. The city, historically plagued by floods, now struggles with dwindling water supplies. About 30% of the city’s water needs are met by the Cutzamala system, an archaic network of dams, reservoirs, canals, and pumps. This system, one of the largest of its kind in the world, includes seven reservoirs, six pumping plants, 322 km of canals and tunnels, and a large water treatment plant. The main reservoirs—Villa Victoria, Valle de Bravo, and El Bosque—are located in the states of México and Michoacán, some 85 miles from the city, requiring an extensive network of pipes to deliver water to the capital. Currently, these reservoirs are at a historical low of just 30%. El Bosque, suffering from deforestation and urbanization, no longer contributes as it once did.

The rest of the city’s water comes from groundwater within the Mexico City Basin, which is being pumped out at twice the rate it is replenished. This groundwater is often contaminated and has caused ground subsidence in certain areas. Some buildings around the Zócalo, in particular, have started leaning due to this subsidence, according to a recent New York Times article. The pump system operates 24/7, posing a significant maintenance challenge. None of the water from the taps is potable, and the city relies on bottled water for drinking.

The situation has been worsened by prolonged droughts and the effects of climate change, although last summer’s rains provided some relief. Claudia Sheinbaum’s federal government has promised to address the issue with a national water initiative. As former mayor of Mexico City, Sheinbaum is familiar with the city’s aging infrastructure and its pressing water needs. She has stated that solving the water crisis is near the top of her agenda.

¡Muy complicado! ¡Suerte! (Very complicated, good luck!)
For more reading, check out this link: ‘Grist article on Claudia Sheinbaum and Mexico Citys water crisis

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5 things: Polanco CDMX

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By Sophia Canavati

Polanco, a dynamic neighborhood in Mexico City, offers a unique blend of luxurious accommodations, culinary delights, and cultural attractions. Whether you’re seeking a cozy retreat or an adventure through local flavors and history, Polanco has something for everyone. Here are five must-know highlights for your stay in this exciting area.

Stay:
Orchid House:
A charming boutique hotel that blends the warmth of home with the sophistication of high-end hospitality. Each room is thoughtfully designed, creating an intimate environment that feels both relaxing and luxurious, making it a perfect base for exploring the neighborhood of Polanco.
http://www.orchidhousehotels.com

Visit:
Chapultepec Castle
Perched atop a hill in Chapultepec Park, this castle offers a glimpse into Mexico’s history and stunning panoramic views. Once a royal residence, the castle now houses a museum filled with artifacts and artwork. Explore its lush gardens and opulent interiors for a memorable outing that combines culture, history, and breathtaking scenery.

Jumex Museum
Contemporary art space that showcases an impressive collection of modern works, making it a vital part of Mexico City’s cultural landscape. With rotating exhibitions featuring both local and international artists, this museum offers an engaging environment for art lovers. Its sleek architecture and commitment to promoting innovative art make it a compelling destination for those looking to explore the cutting edge of the art world.

Eat
La Docena:
An oyster bar and grill that puts the spotlight on fresh, high-quality ingredients. This eatery showcases the best of Mexico’s seafood and employs refined techniques to enhance the natural flavors of each dish. Diners can indulge in a variety of oysters, ceviches, and grilled specialties, all presented with a touch of elegance that celebrates the culinary heritage of the region.

El Turix:
For a more traditional taqueria experience, this is the local go-to spot for authentic cochinita pibil and tamales. Each bite of their succulent cochinita, wrapped in soft tortillas, transports you to the heart of Yucatecan cuisine, making it a must-visit for taco enthusiasts.

 

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Social Class, Politics, Economics, and Religion: A Brief History of Aztec Sex

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By Deborah Van Hoewyk

The Aztecs are one group of Mexico’s ancient indigenous peoples; although it is a diverse group, the different peoples are connected through use of some version of Nahuatl language. They called themselves the Mexica, arrived in what is now Mexico City in the 1300s, and were conquered by Hernán Cortés in 1521. In their short two centuries of rule, however, they established an empire that stretched from the Pacific Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico and had over 400 to 500 small states and 5 to 6 million people.

How Do We Know What We Know About the Aztecs?

Until recently, our knowledge of the Aztecs – not to mention the Maya, the Olmecs, the Zapotecs, the Mixtecs (there are more) – was based on “codices,” manuscript histories written by indigenous people at the request of the conquistadors. Friars who had learned the local native language then translated the manuscripts into Spanish, and they were shipped back to the European monarchs as reports on their colonies. The codices are useful resources, but they’re more than a bit iffy about “what came before.”

Recently historians and anthropologists have begun investigating earlier writings by ancient Mexicans. In a recent (2019) book, Fifth Sun: A New History of the Aztecs, Camilla Townsend from Rutgers University, notes that “the Native Americans were more intrigued by the Roman alphabet than the Spaniards ever knew. Unbeknownst to the newcomers, the Aztecs took it home and used it to write detailed histories in their own language.”

Until now, no one paid much attention to these sources, but there has been a major effort to integrate pre- and post-conquest documents to reach a better understanding of ancient Latin American civilizations. Townsend’s book – which makes the point that the Conquest was not “introductory or climactic,” but “pivotal” in the long story of Mexico – gives us a history, in their own words, of a people who lived complex, nuanced lives in a cultural context the Spanish barely attempted to understand.

In searching for a more accurate understanding of the Aztecs – were they bloodthirsty savages? Focused only on warfare? Superstitious and easily duped into surrender? – Townsend, among other historians, introduces new perspectives to understanding “these complex and often mischaracterized people.”

Gender and Sex, Polygamy and Politics

The big picture for Aztec sex is that it occurred primarily in marriage, although the upper classes practiced “polygyny,” the kind of polygamy where a man can have multiple wives; there was no such privilege for women. There was one “true” wife, presumably the first, and the others were sometimes called “weavers.” In Aztec culture, women were the weavers, textiles were very valuable, so having many weavers increased the man’s wealth – Moctezuma had hundreds of wives. Men could also keep concubines – women to whom they were not married.

Aztec historian Caroline Dodds Pennock of the University of Sheffield in the UK looked at “Gender and Aztec Life Cycles,” a chapter in The Oxford Handbook of the Aztecs (2017). She says our notion of Aztec life driven by “brutal warriors, glorious kings, and bloody priests” is a bit off: in reality, “women in Aztec culture were powerful and effective figures, possessing tangible rights and responsibility, and clearly recognized as indispensable to society’s collective success.” That is not to say that gender wasn’t prescribed in Aztec society – the model was “complementarity,” that is, men and women had different roles that complemented each other.

As she looks at pre-Conquest Aztec life via the role of women and gender, Townsend finds upper-class women played a political role in bringing altepetls (city states) into the empire through marriage; they exercised considerable influence during the Conquest on whether any given altepetl would side with or fight against the Spanish.

Both Dodds Pennock and Townsend used documents that focused on upper-class women. In The Flower and the Scorpion: Sexuality and Ritual in Early Nahua Culture (2011), history professor Pete Sigal of Duke University argues that the “sexual lives and imaginations” of the ordinary Aztecs included pleasure, seduction, and components of the rituals of fertility and warfare. Moreover, they resisted Spanish efforts to inculcate repressive Catholic attitudes towards sex for well over a century after the conquest.

The Specifics of Aztec Sexuality

When references to specific sexual practices come up, you might think the Aztecs were just waiting for the Catholic church to arrive and say, “Nope, that’s a no-no, not that!” There was a group of deities who ruled over sexuality, and they were much given to punishing those whose sexual behavior was outside the approved realm. A couple of these gods were associated with disease – think of STDs as a punishment for sex outside marriage.

Pre-marital sex. Punishable by death. Adult men and women not allowed to interact with each other outside of marriage. Both men and women were supposed to be virginal at marriage, but women were also required to pass a virginity test (i.e., presence of the hymen). For upper-class young men, though, this prohibition didn’t really apply – they often had small collections of concubines.

Adultery. Upper-class men, of course, couldn’t commit adultery because they were allowed multiple wives and concubines. Once adultery was claimed, a lower-class man might be beaten or have his head shaved, but a woman was sentenced to death, usually by stoning.

Homosexuality. Mentioned infrequently in contemporary documents, and was punishable by death. The gay man who took the active (penetrating) role was murdered by being impaled while his partner died when his intestines were extracted through his anus – a much harsher penalty, actually, since the “receiving” partner was perceived as being less “macho.” Lesbians were killed with a garrote.

There is a double-gendered god, Xochipilli as a male and Xochiquetzal as a female, who governs flowers, love, art, and fertility; Xochipilli is the patron/protector of homosexuality and male prostitutes. There have always been festivals to Xochipilli/Xochiquetzal, suggesting that the Aztecs might have had a “Don’t ask, don’t tell, don’t get caught or we’ll kill you” policy.

Sodomy (oral or anal sex). Even among heterosexual partners, punishable by hanging.

Masturbation. Forbidden – punished by rubbing hot pepper powder on the genitals.

Prostitution. Prostitution was alive and well in Aztec society. “Respectable” Aztec women wore their hair up; prostitutes let it loose. They were the only women allowed to wear perfume, jewelry, and makeup. Sometimes prostitutes and priestesses were one and the same; they rewarded young men who survived battle with their favors. Another ritualistic role was to pleasure those men who were on their way to being sacrificed.

When the Spaniards Arrived …

The conquistadors brought their sex-as-sin Catholic beliefs with them. Within two years, they had converted two men to the priesthood and within ten years, they had begun converting the upper classes to Christianity. They hoped Christianity at the top would “trickle down” to rest of society.

Christianity, of course, requires that a man have only one wife; the Spanish began to require monogamy, which created social chaos. The additional wives, not to mention the concubines, suddenly had no legal or social status. Basically, the Spanish enslaved them, many on the encomiendas they created to reward their conquering soldiers; the Spaniard who held the encomienda had the right to tribute, produced through labor, of all inhabitants in a particular area. The Spanish replaced women who had been paid to weave with men, destroying the men’s identity as warriors. The alliances that marriages had fostered, the wealth that had accumulated within allied city-states, resolved disputes between altepetls – all suddenly thrown into disarray. Starting with its stance on sex, Catholic law destroyed a culture.

Moreover, at the urging of Queen Isabella of Spain, the conquistadors intermarried with the native peoples (she called them “free vassals of the Spanish Crown”) at a great rate. This “marathon sexual activity” on the part of the Spanish began to destroy indigeneity. By January 1, 1821, when Mexico won its independence from Spain, only half the population of Mexico was indigenous; 20% was mestizo. In the 2015 census conducted by INEGI (National Institute of Statistics and Geography), only 23% of Mexicans said they were indigenous or of indigenous descent.

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The Pochteca

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By Julie Etra

Triple Alliance
Before addressing the subject of this article, the Pochteca, some background information about the Mexica Empire helps explain the setting within which this particular social class existed. Commonly known as the Aztec Empire, a sort of misnomer, the Empire was governed by the Triple Alliance (Alliance) from 1428-1521. On August 13, 1521, it fell to the conquering Spaniards, accompanied by the indigenous enemies of the Alliance. The Alliance was a military, political, and social agreement among three city-states who shared lands in the Basin of Mexico and joined forces for their mutual benefit. The city-states consisted of Tenochtitlan, now known as Mexico City, which was settled by the Mexica/Aztec; Texcoco, home of the Acolhua tribe who settled in the Valley 100 years before the Mexica; and Tlacopan, where the Tepaneca preceded the Acolhua by about a century. The three tribes shared the same Nahua language and a number of customs. The Alliance replaced the previously dominant Tepaneca.

Social Classes of the Empire
Within this empire/alliance existed a highly structured class system with eight more or less distinct classes. At the top was the sovereign ruler or Emperor, called the Tlatoani, (for example the last Tlatoani ruler prior to the Spanish conquest was Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin aka Moctezuma II). The word is derived from the nahuatl verb tlahtoa, which means “to speak”, The Tlatoani was followed by the nobility, warrior class (guerreros) the high priests and priestesses, the middle class (commoners), the free poor, servants, and slaves.

Nobility

The nobility included the wealthy families within the same bloodline and lineage to which they were born. Following the leadership of the Tlatoani they ran the government, including the army, and oversaw the other classes. Their great wealth was accrued through management of the land, slavery, and tributes from outlying towns to the central government in the ever-expanding empire. Following the top-ranking Tlatoani were the Tetecuhtin, the high lords and the Pipiltin who were the regular lords.

Warriors
The soldiers were essential to the defense and expansion of the empire, conquering and subjugating surrounding territories. All Aztec males were required to serve in one capacity or another and received military training at a young age. The military offered an opportunity for upward class mobility for commoners and free/poor citizens (not unlike the contemporary volunteer military of the USA), in particular for taking captives for sacrifices and slavery. Also, somewhat similar to the contemporary USA, warfare was a major component of the Aztec economy, and innately entwined with religion (unlike the USA). Warriors were between 15 and 20 years old. To be eligible for battle recruits had to pass a physical test of carrying very heavy burdens for a predetermined duration. The warriors were also called on to provide additional protection of the Pochteca, and to keep an eye on the neighboring untrustworthy Tlaxcalans.

The Priests
The priests, next in rank, had an enormous amount of responsibility, respect, and power. They were the prophets of the society, observing and interpreting the movements of the heavens (planets and stars) and tracking planetary events such as eclipses. They had a direct line of communication with the gods, maintained the temples and organized all the religious festivities and associated gods, which were many. The priests oversaw and implemented human sacrifices to the gods over the sacrificial stones. They were responsible for the education of children as well as the general population in matters of religion and traditions, thereby wielding power and influence over society. There were female priests, known as cihuatlamacazqui, but they were much less common than their male counterparts.

The Middle Class
The middle class, or the commoners, made up the largest component of the population. This class was responsible for many of the skilled trades and included stone cutters, masons, feather workers, potters, weavers, sculptors, painters, boatsmiths, goldsmiths, and silversmiths. This class also included accountants and arbitrators for business and personal matters.

Poor/Free
This class could work their way up through the ranks through bravery in the military service or marriage. They included hunters (fowlers, who hunted the abundant waterfowl), fishermen, and the farmers who cultivated the chinampas of Tenochtitlan.

Servants
This class was similar to the serfs of Medieval Europe. They were owned by the nobility but had a higher status than slaves as they were allowed to marry, and their children were not automatically considered property of their owners. Unlike serfs, they could have side trades and additional income as well as their own slaves and servants. Like slaves, they could be sold but could also be freed with the proper documentation.

Slaves
The obvious does not need to be repeated. Many of these were captives of war, and subject to human sacrifice.

The Pochteca
And finally, the Pochteca. They were a powerful and elite class or guild of professional soldier – traders, ranking just below the nobility. The guilds were restricted, highly controlled, and membership was hereditary, passing from father to son. Being secretive, the guild did not share information about trade routes, source of goods, and third-party local merchants and suppliers. Although they served multiple purposes the Pochteca were primarily long-distance traveling merchants, particularly in luxury and exotic items, traveling from Tenochtitlan to Nicaragua and as far north as what is now New Mexico in the United States.

Trips could last months The trade or commerce was known as pochtecayotl in their Nahuatl language, derived from pochtecatl, which was one of the neighborhoods of Tlatelolco (now within modern Mexico City) that housed the Pochteca, and where the market, called a Pochtlan, sometimes spelled Puxtla or Puxtlan, was located.

The guild had their own internal structure which included another class of servants, tlamemeh or tamemes who were porters, as there were no beasts of burden until the arrival of the Spaniards with their horses. The word is derived from the Nahuatl word tlamama, which means to carry. Like other classes, they were born into this system and trained as children to carry heavy loads. The Pochteca sometimes received protection from the warrior class as they had to cross into foreign and potentially hostile territory outside the control of the Empire, including modern day Guatemala and other countries in Central America in order to obtain unique treasure such as quetzal feathers and birds (Chiapas, Guatemala, Costa Rica) and jade (Guatemala), for example. They had their own god, Yacatecuhtli, the patron saint of commerce, their own ceremonies, and their own laws and courts, overseen by Pochteca elders. They were allowed to keep merchandise, but public display was not permitted as to not outshine or offend the nobility. Hence, they were able to quietly self-enrich and organize elaborate feasts and rituals for their own community.
Some of the more exotic goods they brought to the Capital for the Tlatoani and the nobility included the aforementioned quetzal feathers and birds (check the penacho of Moctezuma II; a replica is on display in the Anthropology Museum in Mexico City. The original is on display at the Museum of Ethnology in Vienna, Austria) and other exotic and colorful birds such as scarlet macaws (Moctezuma II had an aviary), marine shells, turquoise, other gemstones, jaguar pelts, coca, and polychrome pottery. Many of these luxury items are on display at the Templo Mayor Museum just off the Zócalo in Mexico City.

Since they had license to unconstrained travel, they were well positioned for another role as spies and informants, relaying information about subordinate states, especially the aforementioned Tlaxcalans (who indeed betrayed the Mexica and sided with the Spaniards) to the central government in Tenochtitlan.

Although there were other merchant guilds in Mayan society called ppolom, compared to the Aztec Pochteca, they lacked the complex structure and unique characteristics of the Pochteca.

 

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Nevado de Toluca

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By Diana Rodríguez Aquino

Nevado de Toluca, also known as Xinantécatl, is a dormant stratovolcano located in the state of Mexico, Mexico. It is one of the highest peaks in Mexico, standing at approximately 4,680 meters (15,354 feet) above sea level. The volcano is part of the Trans-Mexican Volcanic Belt and is located about 80 kilometers (50 miles) west of Mexico City.

I signed up with a tour to explore the Nevado with a day climb. The day before I prepared all my clothes (first thermal layer, second polar layer and third waterproof layer), boots, accessories (gloves, hat, UV glasses, buff) and backpack (food, toilet paper, water, cash, change of clothes, sunscreen). I was excited and I went to sleep early to be well rested.

I got up at 5am, got all my gear and left for the meeting point with the excursion team. The guides took a roll call of the entire group, and we left for Toluca. Along the way I rested a little, since what lay ahead were eight intense hours of constant effort. As we advanced, I felt the drop in temperature. Before reaching the park entrance we made a stop to eat something light and use the bathroom.

We continued with the trip and in a matter of minutes you can see how the environment changes, the temperature drops even more, and we entered a forest, the closer you get to the base camp nature changes again, everything becomes more arid as you approach the base of the mountains. We arrived at the camp, and they gave us picks and a helmet.

The beginning of the climb was very hard, it is the first push to adapt to the climate and altitude. I was barely warming up, but as we progressed, I began to adapt. The first stop was twenty minutes in and the guides advised us to eat something light and drink water. Afterwards, we proceeded to go down towards the lagoon.

In the Nevado there are two crater lakes, the Moon Lagoon and the Sun Lagoon. We went down the Moon Lagoon to surround it and began our ascent. We took one last rest before beginning the real challenge, reaching the summit. It is around three hours of ascent. Arriving at around 3800 meters above sea level we take a break and eat something sweet, which is crucial for having energy.

The last hour of ascent is the most difficult, it is a very steep slope and later you have to climb, this is where you must be very careful, since with any false step you can fall into the overhang. At this moment the temperature dropped a lot, and I began begin to feel less air, it was difficult to breathe and of course the physical effort was greater, because you are climbing between stones.

Finally, after climbing for about an hour we reached the top. The best feeling of the day was knowing I’d made it. From this point I could clearly see Laguna del Sol, an indescribable view. This was the perfect moment to recognize all the effort we’d made, we were 4500 meters above sea level.

Subsequently, we descended into a small valley to eat a well-deserved meal, rest, and prepare for the descent. For some people this is the most fun part and for others the worst part. Going downhill is like skiing on land, some people go very fast, while others go downhill and fall. If you have a good rhythm and are not afraid of falling you can make the descent in no time. My biggest tip is, let go, don’t be afraid of falling, it can happen eventually, enjoy it and when you least expect it you will be arriving at Laguna del Sol.

Here we rested a little more and waited for the group to come together again to leave. From this point you can see how high you were and the entire journey you took to get to the top. The last hour of the excursion is dedicated to returning to the base camp and saying goodbye to Nevado. Finally, between laughter and talks, we arrived exhausted but very happy. It was 3pm, we returned just in time for lunch. In a typical Mexican dining room, they served us quesadillas, sopes and coffee. Now yes, you can eat as much as you want and get ready to head back to Mexico City. This was an amazing experience and I highly recommend it.

Despite its status as a dormant volcano, Nevado de Toluca still poses some geological hazards, and visitors are advised to take precautions when exploring the area. Additionally, the volcano and its surrounding ecosystems are protected within the Nevado de Toluca National Park, which aims to preserve the natural beauty and biodiversity of the region.There are several tour companies that offer day trips like this.

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“Cheap and Crappy” Becomes“Sophisticated and Inventive”:The Modernization of Mexican Fine Dining

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By Deborah Van Hoewyk

A while back, I was in La Crucecita, sitting at the Oasis Restaurant (now closed), watching a table of Americans send their nachos back for more cheese. Three times, they sent them back – the chips were drowning in Cheez Whiz. A far cry from Pujol, the famous Mexico City fine-dining restaurant established by Chef Enrique Olvera in 2000. Olvera does not serve nachos – maybe he’s never even seen them.

Nachos were created in 1940 by Ignacio “Nacho” Anaya at the Victory Club Restaurant in Piedras Negras, on the Tex-Mex border in the state of Coahuila, when some women shopping in Eagle Pass crossed over and came in asking for “something different” – Nacho produced nachos. Cheez Whiz was invented in 1952 by Kraft Foods scientist Edwin Traisman and his team at Kraft Foods. While no one seems to know when Cheez Whiz met nachos, it was created for the British market to make Welsh Rarebit (Rabbit) – in the US, that’s Saltines drowning in Cheez Whiz.

According to a 2023 report from Datassential, a restaurant consulting firm, the Tex-Mex and Latin category has surpassed Italian as America’s favorite food. “Cheesy, spicy foods with Latin-inspired ingredients and preparation” are driving demand for nachos, fully loaded nachos, fajitas, burritos, enchiladas and so on (see “From Tex-Mex to Haute Cuisine,” in The Eye, July 2016). Tex-Mex, maybe Cali-Mex, is pretty much the northern picture of Mexican food – something northerners like, with limited and familiar ingredients, tailored to their tastes – ipso facto, not actually authentic.

Regional Authenticity

The first step toward Mexican fine dining came with the recognition of the variety of Mexico’s regional cuisines (see Brooke O’Connor’s article elsewhere in this issue). Diana Kennedy’s groundbreaking The Regional Cuisines of Mexico came out in 1972 (see “In Search of Diana Kennedy’s Huachinango Veracruzano” in The Eye, Feb 2023). Fifteen years later, in 1987, Rick and Deann Bayless of Chicago published Authentic Mexican: Regional Cooking from the Heart of Mexico. That same year, they opened Frontera Grill, arguably the first US restaurant featuring authentic Mexican food. According to the late Molly O’Neill, food writer with The New York Times, “There’s nothing even remotely similar to Frontera Grill … anywhere else in America.”

WTTW, Chicago’s PBS station, did a story on Frontera’s 30th anniversary in 2017. Bayless told quite a tale of being “different.” The very first guests to walk into Frontera took one look at the menu, said “I don’t know what you’re doing, because this isn’t Mexican food. You’ll be out of business in six months,” and got up and left. Frontera Grill is going strong, and Rick Bayless’ Frontera salsas are sold in most American supermarkets.

Two years after the Frontera Grill opened, Bayless founded Topolobampo, also in Chicago (Bayless now has seven Chicago-area restaurants). Zagat, a restaurant rating service based on customer reviews, said the restaurant was an “educational experience” and its “dynamite tasting menus feature food that’s wildly inventive yet still approachable.” Zagat mentioned “an excellent wine list and cocktails that are works of art; knowledgeable, passionate service and a lovely, upscale setting (remodeled with a sculptural ceiling and dramatic lighting).”

Diana Kennedy and Rick Bayless based their relationships with Mexican food on variations in regional cuisine, combined with authentic ingredients and traditional culinary techniques, but Bayless also laid the foundation of fine dining for Mexican cuisine, with that wine, those cocktails, high-end service, and a setting that required architectural, interior, and acoustic design services.

What Is Fine Dining?

It’s definitely not just being famous – one of the most famous restaurants in the US is the raucous, chaotic Katz’s Delicatessen on East Houston Street in Manhattan. It’s famous for the 80-odd-year-old sign “Send a Salami to Your Boy in the Army” and the “I’ll have what she’s having” scene in the film When Harry Met Sally. Wonderful as Katz’s may be, fine dining it’s not.

Fine dining isn’t just the food, either. It’s the experience of eating the food. Of course, the ingredients must be of the highest, freshest quality; the flavors unique; and the dishes exotic, abetted with touches of “modernist cuisine”; and the presentation geared to showcase the food with elegance. In a fine-dining restaurant, you might even be told about your experience – one Topolobampo menu divides the dishes into “Vibrant,” “Fresh,” “Ancient,” “Soulful” “Complex,” “Enchanting,” and “Luxurious.” Beyond the food, fine dining requires impeccable, luxurious service. The setting and atmosphere must enrich the experience. And the prices match it all.

Fine Dining Mexican Style

Mexican fine dining has many characteristics, but that touch of modernism seems to be the key. “Modernist cuisine” takes its identity from a six-volume tome of the same name, subtitled The Art and Science of Cooking (2011). Remember nouvelle cuisine of the 1970s? Lighten up elaborate French cooking? “Tender crisp” green beans? Modernist is that, but with science, especially in terms of chemical interactions in cooking and the techniques and elaborate equipment that control those reactions. Baked potato foam? Sous-vide, anyone?

“Modern Mexican,” first officially noted in 2017 by New York Times food writer Julia Moskin (named for Julia Child), is a “movement, inside and outside Mexico, to finally vanquish the rice-and-beans stereotype and to celebrate its vast and sophisticated cuisine.” The 25-year-old movement is led almost exclusively by chefs, both male and female, whose reputations have established multifaceted careers that have disseminated the dishes of modern Mexican cuisine around the world.

Gabriela Cámara
Starting a restaurant to celebrate a cuisine is a massive undertaking, but it began with a simple concept in Mexico City. In 1998, Mexican-Italian Gabriela Cámara, just 22 and finishing up her art history degree, opened Contramar in the Condesa/Roma area of Mexico City. The area was on the cusp of gentrification, still filled with artists.

Cámara and her friends would go on holiday to Zihuatenejo and eat fresh fish, simply prepared, on the beach. She was not so much interested in a fine-dining establishment as she was in those beach dishes made with Mexican fish straight from the sea, rather than the customary frozen European fish. The neighborhood is now upscale and Contramar has become a top fine-dining restaurant. Open only for lunch (in CDMX, that’s noon to 6 pm during the week, 11 am – 8 pm on weekends), Contramar is the modern version of the family lunch table, lunch being the most important, interesting meal of the day.

Cámara opened Cala, a fine-dining Mexican restaurant in San Francisco, in 2015; she closed it in 2019 to join President López Obrador’s administration as a food-policy expert. Her 2019 cookbook, My Mexican Kitchen: Recipes and Convictions, marks her concern with food policy, production, and consumption. And culture: In a 2019 Robb Report article on Mexican fine dining, Cámara said, “People think Mexican is cheap, crappy food. But now Mexican can be super sophisticated. That gives people a cultural pride we didn’t see even just a few years ago.”

Enrique Olvera
Olvera was born in Mexico City in 1976. In high school, he started cooking for friends; word got around that his dinners were superb, and he decided to become a chef – not a glamorous or high-status career at the time. Olvera went to the Culinary Institute of America in Hyde Park, north of New York City. He received an associate’s degree in 1997 and a bachelor’s in 1999.

When he went back to Mexico City, he cooked for his parents’ friends, who turned out to be his first investors. He opened Pujol in Polanco in 2000, but it was rocky going at first. Since there had never been a fine-dining restaurant that served Mexican food anywhere, not in Mexico, not in the rest of the world, what it was supposed to be like was unclear. At one point, according to a 2017 article on the travel site Culture Trip, Olvera felt disconnected from the whole enterprise, feeling that he was “using Mexican ingredients, but not to make Mexican food.”

Olvera went to Oaxaca and took a look at their cuisine, quite different from the cooking around Mexico City. It gave him ideas about how to use new-to-him ingredients in unique ways that would still be true to Mexican culture and to the idea that food is a way to be happy, to celebrate. Gradually, Pujol succeeded, to great acclaim.

With Pujol on a solid footing, Olvera went back to New York, assessed the restaurant scene and in 2014, opened a new restaurant, Cosme, on East 21st Street off Fifth Avenue, and then in 2017, the more casual Atla on Lafayette Street in Noho. Interviewed by CNN when Cosme opened, Olvera said, “I want Mexican food to keep moving. I understand that we have beautiful traditions. I feel very proud of those traditions, but I want to keep on building new traditions for the next generations.” Olvera has other fine-dining restaurants in Oaxaca City, San Miguel de Allende, and Los Cabos. Modern Mexican Takes Off In the space of two years, well-known chefs opened four more fine-dining Mexican restaurants in CDMX, all in the posh areas of Polanco and Roma Norte. In 2010, Elena Reygadas, trained at the French Culinary Institute in New York City, opened Rosetta in Roma Norte. She now has four more CDMX restaurants – Panadería Rosetta, Lardo, Café Nin, and Bella Aurora.

Martha Ortiz was a political science/sociology major when she did a study of social mobility in Milpa Alta outside Mexico City and realized the critical role of food in social structure; she went on to cook in kitchens around the world before returning home. In 2003, she opened Áquila and Sol in Polanco as a showcase for regional styles from across Mexico. It was unusual for women to be owner/operators of restaurants, so when, in 2008, the city counted her parking spaces and found only 90 rather than the required 91, they shut her down. Ortiz opened Dulce Patria in 2011 in Polanco, which fell victim to the pandemic. She has moved on to Ella Canta in the Intercontinental Hotel in London (opened 2017), and is now in charge of Tuch de Luna, a restaurant at the Mayan Riviera resort La Casa de la Playa.

In 2012, two chefs who had been with Olvera at Pujol opened restaurants; Jorge Vallejo and his wife Alejandra Flores opened Quintonil in Polanco and Eduardo García opened Máximo Bistrot in Roma (recently moved to the Álvaro Obregón neighborhood). Vallejo graduated from the Centro Culinario Ambrosía in Mexico City; in 2019, he opened Ixi’im in the luxury hotel Casa Chablé, near Mérida in the Yucatán. García trained at the culinary school at the Art Institute of Seattle. With his wife, Gabriela López Cruz, Garcia also operates Havre 77 and Lalo! in Mexico City.

Beyond Mexico City, Baja California has Laja, opened in a renovated hacienda in Ensenada by chef Jair Téllez in 2000. It’s what in the US we would call an organic farm-to-table restaurant. Laja is now run by a Téllez protégé, Rafa Magañez. Malva is also in Ensenada, also a farm-to-table establishment, and was opened by chef Roberto Alcocer in 2014, after working in fine-dining restaurants abroad. Rodolfo Castellanos opened Origen in Oaxaca in 2011, after studying at the Culinary Institute of Mexico and receiving the Turquois scholarship to study in France. Castellanos is able to marry French and Mexican elements in his cuisine – he was Top Chef México in 2016.

Are We All Good with This?

W-e-l-l-l … not everyone thinks that moving from “traditional” or “authentic” dishes toward menu items that “modernize” the cuisine is properly respectful of the culture. New York Times restaurant reviewer Pete Wells, speaking of the newly opened Cosme in 2015, discussed New York’s new obsession with Mexican restaurants. Some empire-building chef decides to open a new restaurant specializing in “some other nation’s food. By the time the news releases are ready, a week’s vacation has become a research trip, and a snack bought with pocket change has become a $13 appetizer.” The resulting restaurants “present, some more convincingly than others, a chef’s south-of-the-border fantasies.”

Wells sees Olvera as using reverse cultural appropriation in creating Cosme. He did his research in Manhattan to see what the menus, the cocktails, the customers, and the settings were like. Cosme shows an “uncannily state-of-the-art instinct for what New Yorkers want when they go out for dinner.” The cooking “sails right over ideas like tradition, authenticity, and modernity,” using underpinnings from Mexico and fresh local ingredients to give diners “a thrill.” Wells would no doubt find echoes of Cosme “deported” back home to Pujol – by the way, he LOVED eating at Cosme!