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Salma Hayek: A Celebration of Excellence in Hollywood

By Brooke O’Connor

Who doesn’t like Salma Hayek? Her journey from Mexico’s vibrant streets to Hollywood’s glittering lights is not just a tale of triumph, but a testament to the tapestry of Mexican talent that has enriched the film world for decades.

Born on September 2, 1966, in Coatzacoalcos, Veracruz, Mexico, Hayek’s roots run deep in the heart of Mexican culture. Raised in a household steeped in tradition, she developed a passion for storytelling from an early age, immersing herself in the vibrant Mexican folklore and history that would later inspire her work on screen.

Salma’s family has been very supportive and gave her the opportunities she needed to be successful. Her father is Lebanese, a business owner, and a wealthy oil executive. Her mother is of Spanish descent, an opera singer, and a talent scout. Her parents are devout Catholics and sent Salma to the Academy of the Sacred Heart in Grand Coteau, Louisiana. There, she was diagnosed with dyslexia, but it didn’t stop her from going on to Universidad Iberoamericana in Mexico City, where she studied international relations.

Her foray into acting began in the bustling streets of CDMX, where she honed her craft in the theater scene before making her mark in Mexican telenovelas.

Hayek’s first television role was in the 1988 TV series Nuevo Amanecer (New Dawn), for which she was nominated for the TVyNovelas award for Best New Actress. Hayek was 23 years old when Televisa cast her in the title role of Teresa (1989-91), one of Mexico’s most successful telenovelas, which established her as a star in the country. The show ran for two seasons and 125 episodes, and she won the 1990 Best New Actress award. With Teresa, she first captured the hearts of viewers with her talent and magnetism, setting the stage for a beautiful career in Hollywood.

Her transition to the United States in the early 1990s marked a pivotal moment in Salma Hayek’s career. Faced with a barrage of skepticism and discrimination due to her Mexican heritage and accent, Hayek encountered many obstacles on her path to success, including her dyslexia. Rather than allowing these challenges to hinder her progress, she confronted them head-on with unwavering determination and resilience.

Her breakthrough came with the 1995 action-packed thriller Desperado, where she captivated audiences with her fiery performance opposite Antonio Banderas. It was a role that showcased her formidable talent, shattered stereotypes, and challenged perceptions of Latinx actors in Hollywood. The people in Hollywood who said her accent would only land her roles as a maid were silenced.

Since then, Hayek has continued to push boundaries and defy expectations with each new project she undertakes. In 2003, she became one of the first Latinas to be nominated for Best Actress by the American film industry’s Academy Awards, the first Mexican actress to be nominated for Best Actress by the BAFTA (British Academy of Film and Television) awards; she was also nominated for Best Actress at the Golden Globes (the Hollywood Foreign Press Association, which has a long history of awards to Latin actors).

Hayek garnered these nominations for her portrayal of the iconic Mexican painter Frida Kahlo in the biographical drama Frida (2002), a crowning achievement in her illustrious career. Bringing Kahlo’s tumultuous life and indomitable spirit to the screen was no small feat, but Hayek approached the role with a fierce dedication and reverence for the artist’s legacy. Immersing herself in Kahlo’s world, Hayek captured the essence of the enigmatic painter. This authenticity resonated deeply with audiences and critics alike. From Kahlo’s fiery passion to her unyielding resilience, Hayek embodied every facet of the artist’s complex personality with a rare grace and nuance. Not only did her performance earn her widespread acclaim, including the three award nominations, but she also served as a producer for the film.

From her iconic performance in Frida to her powerful roles in films like Traffic (2000) and Once Upon a Time in Mexico (2003), she has become a symbol of Mexican excellence in Hollywood. She has a star on the Hollywood Walk of Fame and many other accolades.

Yet, despite her global success, Hayek remains deeply connected to her Mexican roots. Whether she’s showcasing Mexico’s vibrant colors and rhythms in her film productions or using her influence to support Mexican filmmakers and artists, she continues to be a proud ambassador for her homeland.

But perhaps her most significant contribution lies in her efforts to uplift marginalized voices in the industry. As an outspoken advocate for gender equality and diversity, she has used her platform to spotlight Mexican culture and heritage, ensuring that future generations of Latinx artists can share their stories with the world.

Salma Hayek’s philanthropic endeavors extend beyond the realm of cinema. Her charitable work includes raising awareness on issues such as violence against women and discrimination against immigrants. She is also a staunch advocate for the naturalness of breastfeeding and women’s rights to feed their children in public without restriction. In a powerful display of her commitment to these causes, Hayek testified before the U.S. Senate Committee on the Judiciary in support of reauthorizing the Violence Against Women Act in 2005.

Additionally, she has made substantial financial contributions to organizations that combat domestic violence, including a $25,000 donation to a shelter for battered women in the town of her birth, Coatzacoalcos, and a $50,000 donation to anti-domestic violence groups in Monterrey. As a board member of V-Day, the charity founded by playwright Eve Ensler, Hayek continues to champion women’s and girls’ rights worldwide.

On top of being a champion for women, Salma has a soft spot for animals. She reportedly has up to 50 animals, including rescue dogs, horses, rabbits, geese, chickens, and an owl with whom she meditates daily.

Although Time magazine named Salma one of the 100 most influential people in the world in 2023, many people criticize her for marrying a man who happens to be a billionaire. They have been married for 15 years and together for 18 years. In 2007, Salma, 41 years old, gave birth to a healthy daughter. Some people rumored it was an arranged marriage, but Salma has always defended their relationship, saying how much she dearly loves him. She has an uncanny way of letting criticism roll off her back.

Salma has always done things her way and has held on to beauty and grace while doing it. She has never taken herself too seriously while at the same time living life seriously. I’m reminded of her words, “People always underestimate me. But if you stick around long enough, act out of conviction, and try to be honorable in everything you do, good things will come to you.”

Marry Me in Mexico

By Brooke O’Connor

Mexico has an old-world romanticism emanating from every corner. It calls to people’s hearts for destination weddings—particularly people with Hispanic backgrounds or tourists who hold fond memories of sun-laden holidays on azure waters. Yet, like most things in the modern world, the wedding industry has become more industry and less authentic.

What are traditional weddings like, and how would you know your wedding will be authentically Mexican? First, if your wedding is in Mexico, it is a Mexican wedding. The next thing to ask yourself is how traditional you want to go. Prehispanic? Modern traditional? Gringo modern? Let’s examine what those mean.

Prehispanic Weddings

You will never get an “authentic” prehispanic ceremony. When the Spanish invaded, most of the books were burned, and the native population was forced to forgo public ceremonies. What is left of the old ways has been passed down through oral traditions and human memory. If you ever played the telephone game where one person whispers something in the next person’s ear, and then that person whispers into the next person’s ear, you know by the time it gets to the last person, it’s never the same thing. Imagine that, with the whispering lasting hundreds of years. Moreover, there were any number of prehispanic civilizations; a prehispanic ceremony in Oaxaca will most probably draw on Zapotec traditions, while a wedding in Mexico City will incorporate elements from the Mexica, and in the Yucatán and Chiapas it will draw on Mayan customs.

Regardless of origin, what we have left of the prehispanic ceremony is beautiful. In general, it begins by welcoming the four directions, the four elements, the spiritual guardians of the place, and the energy of the sky (or sun) and the earth. Various offerings may be placed on a table, a mat, or an altar. Then permission is requested for the betrothed to be allowed to join their energy in that place.

Zapotec tradition has the groom blindfolded to represent how the two really don’t see each other until they become one. The bride and groom sit with their backs to each other, illustrating how they come from different places and don’t know each other. The elder who officiates walks them through the counsel of how two become one in spirit, the couple faces each other, and the groom is unblindfolded. The couple can say a few words to each other, and then they are tied by the hands with a rope or a cloth, symbolizing their binding as one.

Mayan traditional weddings will be held in the Mayan language. If you want an interpreter, you can have as many as you like, with as many languages as you like. They have similar practices to the Zapotec, emphasizing connecting with the earth and everything around you.

Modern Traditional

This is where Catholicism meets culture. Much like godparents, “sponsors” called padrinos and madrinas help pay for and organize the wedding. These are usually family friends who have known the couple for many years and give advice. There can be multiple sets of padrinos and madrinas, which helps with the financial burden of a festivity that usually lasts two days. The wedding only takes about an hour, and the rest is for the party.

Instead of the ancient tradition of being tied by the hands, many couples will have a lasso tied around their shoulders in a figure eight, representing their union. The lasso will have a crucifix in the middle, and a blessing is spoken over the couple.

After a blessing and the exchange of rings, the groom will present the bride with las arras matrimoniales, which is a collection of 13 coins. This represents his ability to provide for the family and his commitment to the relationship. Then the padrinos will present the couple with a white Bible and rosary, which the officiant will bless.

The more traditional Catholic weddings include a bouquet of flowers for the Virgin Mother Mary and another for Jesus.

In some areas of Mexico, there will be a wedding parade after the ceremony. People take to the streets to cheer on the couple and sing with a mariachi band. It’s typical to start drinking at this point – and then on to the reception!

Gringo Modern

You could get married on the beach, barefoot under an arch of seaweed, or incorporate any of the traditions above. After all, it is your wedding. However, there are some things to think about.

Your passport, immigration status, and marriage permit must be in order. Here is a link to everything you need:

In addition to the national requirements, there may be local requirements for the area in which you want to be married. Make sure to complete all paperwork and never gloss over steps, as Mexican bureaucracy can be very complicated and frustrating if not followed precisely.

Also, consider your guests. Will they want to trek into the jungle of mosquitoes to live out your dream of an ancient wedding rite? Or would Grandma feel better in a luxury hotel with a waiter bringing her margaritas?

As more people look to return to their roots, and DNA tests from companies like 23andMe are helping people identify their ancestral origin, it’s tempting to want to return to the “old ways.” Rest assured plenty of people are willing to let you pay for that privilege, so make sure you know what you’re asking for and understand all parts of the ceremony you’ll participate in.

Not Every Wedding Ceremony Is for You

Did you know someone has to marry an alligator in Oaxacan Chontal and Huave indigenous communities? Since pre-Hispanic times, there have been weddings between humans and alligators. The marriage between human and beast is a plea for rain, good crops, and enough fish.

As a nod to Catholicism, the female alligator is dressed in pretty white lace, like a virginal bride, and represents Mother Earth in the ceremony. She is wed to a male leader in the community – most recently Victor Hugo Sosa, mayor of San Pedro Huamelula, a bit west of Salina Cruz – and is then carried around town to be adored by all. Yes, the groom is expected to kiss the bride, and the community cheers wildly when that happens. (Photos show that her jaws are tied shut, and the last one was actually a caiman, not quite as fierce as an alligator.)

Though you probably won’t be roped into marrying an alligator, read the fine print of any venue you choose.

Any package wedding destinations will have exclusions and add-ons. Make sure everything is in writing before handing over any money, and be clear on the refund policy for bad weather, pandemics, or other issues.

Divorce

With all the hoops you’ll have to jump through to be married in Mexico, you’ll have plenty of time to make sure you’re making the right life choice. However, things happen.

If the mezcal has worn off after the sunburn fades, and you realize you would rather have married the alligator, take heart. US and Canadian residents can get divorced in their home country even if they were married in Mexico.

Then, you can return to the beautiful beach and live out your favorite Jimmy Buffet song in peace.

American Dragons

By Brooke O’Connor

Dragons are known globally through myth, legends, and folklore. Sometimes they teach, sometimes they terrorize, but they always fascinate. Let’s look at our local dragons and how they became part of Meso-American culture. There are many versions of their stories, and their identities and powers varied over time and according to which Meso-American culture was worshipping them.

Quetzalcóatl

Mesoamerica’s most famous dragon is the feathered serpent god. Called Quetzalcóatl by the Toltecs, then the Aztecs, and then their successors the Nahua, the deity is called Kulkulkán in the Yucatec Maya mythology and religion. The Quiché (also K’iche’) Maya of Guatemala called their deity Gucumatz. The Huastecs of the Gulf Coast worshipped a wind god called Ehecatl; when they were taken over by the Aztecs in the 15th century, Ehecatl was united with Quetzalcóatl, who also ruled the wind. This revered god was prominent in Aztec art and folklore, manifesting in various artistic expressions.

There are multiple accounts regarding the birth of Quetzalcóatl. In one version, he was born to a virgin named Chimalman, who dreamed that Ometeotl (a binary god who was both husband and wife) appeared to her. Another story tells of Chimalman conceiving Quetzalcoatl by swallowing an emerald. A third narrative says that Mixcoatl (the god of hunting, war, and storms) shot Chimalman in the womb with an arrow. She stopped the arrow with her hand, and nine months later, she gave birth to a child named Quetzalcóatl. Lastly, a fourth story mentions Quetzalcóatl being born from Coatlicue (see below), who already had given birth to four hundred children who became the stars of the Milky Way; the association with Quetzalcóatl may come from her skirt of writhing snakes, or the story that she gave birth to Huitzilopochtli, god of sun and war, after being impregnated by a feather, or perhaps a ball of feathers.

Quetzalcóatl was a multi-faceted deity, and held dominion over many aspects of everyday life. He was revered as the Creator deity of the Morning and Stars, the guardian of craftsmen, a rain summoner, and a bringer of fire. Additionally, he imparted knowledge in the fine arts and is credited with the creation of the calendar.

Quetzalcóatl was the priest-king of Tula city in Hidalgo, where Mexico’s most important indigenous civilizations were born. Unlike many other gods, he strongly opposed the idea of regular human sacrifices; in one tale, he was known for his great kindness by suggesting sacrifices of snakes, birds, and butterflies instead of humans. There is some disagreement on this – he is shown in the 16th-century Codex Telleriano-Remensis swallowing a human being.

Quetzalcóatl’s reign was cut short when his vengeful brother Tezcatlipoca, god of war, night, and sorcery, used dark magic to banish him from Tula. One version says Tezcatlipoca inveigled him into committing drunken incest with his sister, Quetzalpétatl. Remorseful beyond measure, Quetzalcóatl left Tula and journeyed to the coast of the Atlantic Ocean, where he ultimately sacrificed himself on a pyre and transformed into the planet Venus. There are multiple versions of how Quetzalcóatl’s life ended – another story says he departed on a raft made of snakes, sailing beyond the eastern horizon.

In Huatulco, it is said he was the deity that came to Santa Cruz Beach and taught the locals how to thrive long before the Spanish arrived.

For more see: Quetzalcóatl Meso-American God – Naked History. http://www.historynaked.com/quetzalcoatl-meso-american-god/.

Coatlicue

Coatlicue roughly translates as “she-of-the-serpent-skirt” because she wore a skirt (īcue) of serpents (cōātl), and was accompanied by two dragons. She represented the duality of nature and sometimes wore a necklace with a heart, human hands, and claws. Coatlicue symbolized nature for the Aztecs and guided people through the process of rebirth; she was considered an earth goddess.

Coatlicue was also a symbol of maternal fertility. One day, the earth goddess was busy sweeping on top of Coatepec in what is now the state of Veracruz, also known as Snake Mountain, when a feather accidentally landed in her apron. In that very instant, she miraculously became pregnant with a son, whom she named Huitzilopochtli, a powerful deity associated with the sun and warfare. When she became pregnant with Huitzilopochtli, her older sons, Centzon and Huitznahua, gods of the southern stars, became angry and decided to wage war against their mother. However, Huitzilopochtli leaped out of the womb in total warrior regalia and slew his siblings before they had a chance to kill their mother. Huitzilopochtli became the patron god of the Mexica tribe and was later given the same deity status as Quetzalcóatl.

Coatlicue is immortalized in statues with her head cut off and blood squirting out from her neck. This may be because of a myth about several female deities, including Coatlicue, who sacrificed themselves to put the sun in motion. Their selflessness effectively allowed time to continue, and they preserved the cosmos by offering their own lives.

For more see: http://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/art-americas/early-cultures/aztec-mexica/a/coatlicue. To get to the article, close the Khan Academy donation page by clicking the ‘x’ in the upper right corner.

Chaac

Chaac is the Mayan god of thunder, lightning, and rain. His basic form is human; his “dragon-ness” comprises a lengthy crocodile-like snout that curls – when Chaac appears on temple ruins, the snout looks more like an elephant trunk. His snout and body are adorned with reptilian or fish-like scales; he has ears resembling a deer, sometimes adorned with a shell. He carries a mighty axe, known as the lightning ax, capable of conjuring lightning bolts.

Chaac was depicted in four different aspects. The Four Chaacs were positioned in cardinal directions, and each wore a color representing their direction. The Chaac in the East, where the sun rises, wore red. The Chaac in the North, at the mid-day zenith, wore white. The Chaac in the West, representing the sunset, wore black. Lastly, the Chaac in the South wore yellow. A fifth color, green, is associated with the center point. In 16th-century Yucatán, the Chaac in the East was known as Chac Xib Chaac, meaning “Red Man Chaac,” with only the colors being different for the other three Chaacs.

As the rain-making deity, Chaac gained immense popularity among the Mayan gods. The Palace at the Kabah ruins in the state of Yucatàn boasts a façade with an impressive collection of over two hundred masks depicting his face. Chaac enjoyed widespread worship among the Mayans, unlike other gods with limited cult centers. His name and reverence held particular significance during the crucial planting and harvesting seasons.

The Mayans believed that the god Chaac had a primary role in rain-making, but he also had dominion over all water sources. Chaac required a specific sacrifice to bring rain – the blood of royalty from the Earth. He had to shed his own blood to make it rain, and he believed in the “blood for blood principle.”

This rainbringer held the key to survival for the Mayans. Their strong desire to appease him with blood not only reflected their desperate need for water and bountiful harvests but also their deep-rooted belief in the importance of sacrifice and renewal for sustaining life. In this intricate cycle, humans offered sacrifices to Chaac, while Chaac himself shed his blood to ensure the revival of crops, and each person was expected to sacrifice something of themselves for the good of the whole.

The Mayans’ deep understanding of Chaac’s influence on rainfall enabled them to create sophisticated irrigation systems and techniques for managing water. By building canals, reservoirs and using terracing methods, they effectively utilized Chaac’s rain to support their agricultural activities.

Even today, modern Mayan communities deeply respect Chaac’s role in agriculture and water. They continue to perform ceremonies and rituals to pay homage to Chaac, acknowledging his vital role in maintaining the cycles of life and fertility. He was considered responsible for the balance of ecosystems and reminded people of the delicate dance between all creations in nature, including humans.

For more see: http://www.oldworldgods.com/mayan/chaac-god-of-rain/.

Dragons, dragons everywhere

Dragons are widely associated with medieval-esque lore and fantasy fiction, but we see they have an essential role in shaping cultures centuries, if not millennia, before the Middle Ages. Renowned psychologist Carl Jung taught that dragons symbolized the cold-bloodedness in our subconsciousness. He said they personify the brutal fear and ancient power of raw, unfettered natural law from times long past. He believed we used dragons to represent the “old ways.” He explains that as humans evolved, dragons became less emblematic as we took on more warm-blooded, gentler symbols. However, one has to ask, in the modern day, if dragons haven’t found their way back into society, dressed in cozy sheep’s clothing.

Indigenous Fashion Meets Modern World

By Brooke O’Connor

Clothes mean nothing until someone lives in them.
— Marc Jacobs

How we dress is an identifier. We signal to others our status, our preferences, and our priorities. We find it endearing when a multimillionaire wears “normal” clothes, and we see middle-class people going into debt for designer wares. Yet something interesting is happening in the fashion world, and it has everything to do with identities changing, bringing out an emphasis on pride in our roots.

High Fashion in a Traditional World

One designer at the forefront of this movement is Carla Fernández. Just last October, she received the first annual Designer of the Year award for fashion from Latin American Design (LAD), the promotional organization for creative design in Latin America. LAD held a Fashion Week in Washington, DC, to present the awards; Fernández gave one of two Design Talks, “Fashion as Resistance: A Conversation with Carla Fernández.”

The Carla Fernández Casa de Moda (Fashion House), founded in Mexico City in 2000, focuses on preserving and rejuvenating the rich textile traditions of indigenous and mestizo communities in Mexico. She operates a “sister” business, a mobile studio called Taller Flora, A.C. (Flora’s Workshop, nonprofit – http://www.tallerflora.org/), with the motto “The Future is Hand-Made.”

The partnership demonstrates that ethical fashion can be cutting-edge, creative, and forward-thinking, while still incorporating painstaking artisanal techniques and traditional design. By acting as a catalyst for transformation in the world of luxury fashion, Carla Fernández is actively supporting the preservation of ancient indigenous methods and the individuals who safeguard this invaluable heritage. You can look at or purchase her designs at http://www.carlafernandez.com.

The Traditional Huipil in the Modern World

The huipil is an excellent example of fashion coming full circle for daily wear. Derived from the Nahuatl word huīpīlli, it is popular traditional attire worn by native women in Mexico and some regions of Central America. These cap-sleeve blouses, which are roomy and comfortable, are typically crafted by stitching together two or three rectangular fabric pieces, leaving openings for the head and arms. They may also feature ribbons or fabric strips or embroidery.

Huipiles come in various designs, some of which are intricate and hold significant meaning. The dressiest huipiles are worn at velas, days-long fiestas that celebrate culture and tradition, most prominently in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec.

The style of a huipil can indicate the wearer’s social class and ethnicity; in addition, methods of design and decoration creation within each community can also be conveyed through the huipiles, providing insight into the wearer’s locality.

The huipil, commonly worn in this tropical climate, is usually lined with cotton to ensure comfort. Back in the early twentieth century, fabrics for huipiles were manufactured in Manchester, England, and then exported to the Isthmus as sewing machines became more prevalent; machine-made patterns with chain-stitching gained popularity, complementing the traditional hand embroidery work.

The evolution of fashion has been shaped by macro socioeconomic trends, including capitalism, rising consumption, and shifting interpretations of national symbols. Huipiles have changed style and importance as their makers have incorporated traditional indigenous patterns into contemporary fashion.

The huipil’s evolving designs tell a story of cultural exchange between indigenous traditions and Western modernity. In the classic Mayan period (300-850 CD), weavers created translucent, white-on-white fabric for huipiles, which was used until the modesty requirements of the Porfirian era dictated a change to opaque muslin; up until then, women wore slender wrap skirts – these were replaced with wider skirts worn over multiple petticoats.

The huipiles and skirts represented different social classes. Women with limited economic resources usually wore plain huipiles, kept the wrap-around skirts, and braided ribbons into their hair. Women of higher social status wore clothes with ruffles, lace collars, gold fringes, and silk scarves. Indeed, you couldn’t be admitted to many public fiestas unless your dress was deemed suitable for a gala.

Traditional Traje – A Modern Choice

Today, we see a resurgence of Latinas choosing traditional clothing over fast fashion and homogenized looks. Mexican women, for example, proudly wear their indigenous attire in everyday life and on important occasions. Latinas in the USA are no different; they have embraced this fashion trend. Some people wear indigenous clothes as a fashion statement, while others wear them to embrace their mixed heritage as mestizas. Some see it as a powerful way to reconnect with their indigenous roots and challenge colonial beauty and cultural norms.

This shift in attitude toward indigenous textiles, dresses, and shirts marks a significant departure from previous generations, who considered them outdated, unfashionable, and an invitation to discrimination. Mexican-Americans who came of age before the 1970s were discouraged from speaking Spanish or showcasing their cultural background. Families made efforts to blend into white American society, and educational institutions and cultural establishments reinforced this by advocating for the use of only one language. Countless Mexican-Americans faced discrimination, both in the past and even today, especially when speaking Spanish or embracing their traditional attire.

The concept of Mexican clothing has been evolving and adapting to the younger generations. Anyone can pair a simple blouse with intricate flower embroidery and jeans instead of a traditional skirt. The new fabrics are less fussy and can be washed in a machine instead of by hand.

Latinas increasingly recognize indigenous communities’ rich diversity and appreciate their unique creativity. Each design and stitch holds a special meaning for every community, highlighting the importance of cultural representation.

What You Wear – Is It “Cultural Appropriation”?

The Oxford Dictionary defines appropriation as “the action of taking something for one’s own use, typically without the owner’s permission.” Does that mean you shouldn’t buy Mexican-style clothing?

Purchasing and wearing clothes made by local artisans sends money into the community and into the hands of the people produce the clothing. Take advantage of the opportunity to purchase handmade, sustainably-produced, items that will last many years and never go out of fashion.

Zapatistas and the Modern World

By Brooke O’Connor

As November brings our minds to politics, we see wars and conflicts around the globe. It’s easy to think, “It’s far away from me,” or “It’s not my business,” but political unrest is around the corner in every culture.

In Mexico, we see how uprisings with the Zapatistas played out not so long ago. Those uprisings are continuing to affect important historical and cultural areas of Mexico.

Who Are the Zapatistas?

The Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (Zapatista National Liberation Army, or EZLN) is a guerrilla group in Mexico. It was founded in 1983 and named after the inspiring peasant revolutionary Emiliano Zapata, who led the Liberation Army of the South during the Mexican Revolution (1910-21). Zapata’s forces fought for land reform, with the goal of reclaiming communal lands (ejidos) stolen by large agricultural haciendas (encouraged by the national government).

On January 1, 1994, the Zapatistas initiated a rebellion from their base in Chiapas, Mexico’s southernmost state. They aimed to protest against economic policies that they believed would harm the indigenous population of Mexico. This uprising later transformed into a powerful political movement, advocating for the rights and empowerment of Mexico’s marginalized indigenous communities.

Background

The Zapatista movement has a fascinating history that should be better known. Although they say they were founded in 1983, it was in the early 1990s that they started to gain followers. From their base in the Lacandón rainforest in eastern Chiapas, they called on Mexico’s indigenous people to rise up against the one-party rule of the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI).

The Zapatistas wanted greater political and cultural autonomy for indigenous people in Chiapas and the rest of Mexico, and specifically to reform land ownership and distribution. The reason for their rebellion was a series of economic reforms introduced by the Mexican government to prepare for the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), which would link Mexico, the United States, and Canada. The Zapatistas believed that these reforms would make indigenous people even poorer, especially a land reform bill that would privatize communal farms.

The Rebellion

On January 1, 1994, NAFTA came into effect. On that very day, the Zapatistas took control of four towns in Chiapas. Led by the charismatic Subcomandante Marcos (Rafael Sebastián Guillén Vicente), they called on indigenous people from all over Mexico to join their cause. The rebels bravely held these towns for several days, battling with Mexican troops before retreating into the surrounding jungle. Over a hundred lives were lost during these initial clashes.

The impact of this uprising was far-reaching, as it quickly spread to other parts of Chiapas. In the following years, insurrections erupted in adjacent and nearby states – Veracruz, Oaxaca, Guerrero, and Puebla. Numerous indigenous communities supported the EZLN throughout this time. In fact, many municipios (roughly equivalent to a US or Canadian county) even declared themselves autonomous from both the state and federal governments, demonstrating their solidarity with the Zapatistas.

In 1994, President Carlos Salinas de Gortari started peace talks, but the conflict with the EZLN was not resolved by the time Ernesto Zedillo became president later that year. In February 1995, President Zedillo tried to use military force against the EZLN and even issued arrest warrants for Subcomandante Marcos and other important Zapatistas. However, these actions were unpopular, so Zedillo changed his mind and resumed negotiations with the EZLN.

The talks continued until February16, 1996, when both sides signed the San Andrés Accords. These accords included plans for land reform, indigenous autonomy, and cultural rights. The Mexican government, unfortunately, showed no signs of initiating any of the agreement’s provisions, and the EZLN broke off talks on August 29, requiring that the government fulfill their obligations under the Accords before talks could resume. The Mexican government offered a new agreement that basically ignored the San Andrés Accords, despite the government’s declaration that it had fulfilled the Accords. In December of that year, Zedillo rejected the agreements.

In the meantime, the government was also involved in a secret war against the rebels. They provided weapons to paramilitary groups who fought against the Zapatistas and their followers, often targeting innocent civilians to punish them for supporting the rebels. On December 22, 1997, in the tiny village of Acteal, Máscara Roja (Red Mask) a paramilitary group called aligned with the PRI, massacred 45 people, including pregnant women and children. The victims were members of a pacifist group called Las Abejas (The Bees), attending an indigenous Catholic prayer meeting. Las Abejas supported the Zapatistas, and espoused the group’s rejection of violence.

The Political Movement

Despite occasional conflicts, the Zapatistas eventually moved away from using weapons and instead focused on peaceful political actions. At the local level, they established administrative systems within the villages they controlled. Over time, they also created various local centers of government called caracoles (snails – the Zapatistas specifically meant conchas; conch shells magnify sound, both incoming and outgoing). According to Subcomandante Marcos, the caracoles are an interface between the Zapatistas and the larger world; they are

like doors which allow entry to communities and allow the communities to exit; like windows so that people can look inside and so that we can see outside; like megaphones to project our words into the distance and to hear the voice of the one that is far away. But above all to remind us that we should watch over and be responsive to the totality of the worlds that populate the world.

On a national scale, in 1999, the group organized the National Consultation on Indigenous Rights and Culture. Thousands of individual Zapatistas carried out the National Consultation by visiting indigenous towns and villages to conduct discussions of the issues driving the San Andreas Accords. On March 21, 1999, the EZLN held a national poll on indigenous rights. Approximately three million Mexicans participated in the voting, and the overwhelming majority supported the implementation of the San Andrés Accords.

Since the 1990s, amid many political twists and turns, Zapatismo has evolved into a global social movement that has gained strong support from progressive groups in the United States and Europe. The new Zapatismo movement promotes indigenous rights, cultural diversity, and standing against globalization and capitalism. Instead of focusing solely on class struggle, they believe in the power of building broad coalitions and grassroots movements to challenge the neoliberal world order. Unlike resorting to armed conflict, their strategy revolves around capturing the attention of the international media, earning them the title of the world’s first “virtual guerrilla” movement.

How Does This Affect Mexico Today?

Ironically, this anti-globalism movement has formed strong connections with foreign organizations over the years, ties that have been crucial for the EZLN’s survival. International organizations have been generous in providing donations and platforms for selling products, such as coffee, in a manner that they claim offers an alternative to globalism without exploiting indigenous communities.

These connections with other worlds beyond Mexico has led the Zapatistas to take a stance on various issues, including gender identity, the Ukraine-Russia conflict, COVID policies, rail lines in Norwegian Sami territory, and President Andrés Manuel López Obrador’s Maya Train project.

While their autonomous strategy has aimed to address local needs like healthcare and education, its effectiveness in improving the situation remains a subject of debate. Chiapas, including the Zapatista territory, continues to face extreme poverty. Moreover, the absence of federal troops has made the area quite appealing to human and drug smugglers, which is ironic considering the international connections involved.

Paradoxically, Subcomandante Marcos could well be considered the most extraordinary tourism ambassador the state has ever had. Before 1994, there were some tourists and foreign residents in Chiapas, but the media coverage attracted even more curious or idealistic people. They came not only to experience the rich native cultures but also with the hope of encountering someone wearing a black Zapatista pasamontaña (balaclava).

Moral of the Story

The only constant is change, and only sometimes does what seems to be a noble cause yield the results a movement sought initially. The author believes that the only way we can effectively initiate change is within ourselves first, then within our homes, and slowly, within our community through example and concern for our fellow man. Maybe then we can eliminate the endless death and destruction that war and uprisings bring because of political differences.

The Entrance to the Underworld Is Here in Oaxaca

By Brooke O’Connor

The entrance to the underworld is here in Oaxaca, and now we can prove it!

The Mitla Ruins: Home to Multiple Cultures

Approximately an hour’s drive from Oaxaca City is Mitla. The name Mitla comes from the Nahuatl word Mictlan, which means “underworld” or “place of rest” in Zapotec, a Nahuatl language still spoken widely in the region. The Zapotecs emerged from the agricultural communities of the central valleys of Oaxaca, building their capital at Monte Alban (approximately where the state capital, Oaxaca de Juárez, is now); the Zapotec civilization flourished at Monte Alban from about 500 BCE to 900 CE.

At that time, perhaps driven out by their neighbors to the west, the Mixtec, the Zapotecs created a new capital at Mitla. Mitla dates to about 100 CE, but may be much earlier; its earliest extant buildings are from about 450 CE. Its ruins are perfect examples of geometric stone architecture that tell stories of a culture steeped in tradition.

Mitla is considered the main religious center of pre-Hispanic culture in the area; both Zapotecs and Mixtecs frequented this “religious metropolis.” John M.D. Pohl, an archeologist at Cal State at LA, has written extensively on the paintings on doorway lintels at Mitla. His analysis has identified the creation tales of three distinct cultures: the eastern Nahua, the Mixtecs from Apoala, and the Zapotecs from Zaachila.

Eventually these cultures weakened in influence and came under the rule of the Aztec emperor Moctezuma. When the Spanish arrived in 1520, Moctezuma welcomed them to Tenochtitlan (Mexico City), only to see virtually all of Mexico conquered and colonized within a year.

Mitla and the Spanish

Here’s where the plot thickens.

In 1552, after the conquest, Mitla was ordered to be destroyed, as were many indigenous religious centers. In 1590, Dominican missionaries began building the church of San Pablo Apóstol (St. Paul the Apostle) atop a platform left by the earlier demolition. They documented how, during construction, they had sealed off the entrances of a labyrinth beneath it.

Francisco de Burgoa, born in Oaxaca around 1600, had joined the Dominican order in 1629; he became a “chronicler,” or historian; in 1674 he wrote about Mitla in a broad-ranging geography that included the “Sito astronómico de esta Provincia de Predicadores de Antequera, Valle de Oaxaca” – the astronomical site of the Province of Preachers of Antequera (Oaxaca de Juárez) in the Valley of Oaxaca.

He described an extensive cavity in the earth at Mitla. When the missionaries went to explore, they found that

such was the corruption and bad smell, the dampness of the floor, and a cold wind which extinguished the lights, that at the little distance, they had already penetrated … they resolved to come out, and ordered this infernal gate to be thoroughly closed with masonry.

The Dominicans sealed all entrances to the tunnel network; the Zapotecs had called the labyrinth Lyobaa, or “place of rest” – i.e., the underworld.

The royal Zapotecs were said to have been buried in Mitla in cruciform graves that were directly beneath the flooring, according to a legend passed down to the Spanish. The Spanish further reported the existence of a Zapotec priest who resembled the Catholic Pope. He was known as the vuijatao, or “Great Seer.” People would travel from all across Oaxaca Valley to consult with the vuijatao, seeking prophecies, judicial opinions, and contact with their departed relatives. The vuijatao lived in what is now called the Group of Columns, where the burial chambers for the highest levels of royalty were located. Families would bring their mummified monarchs to be buried among the columns, where the vuijatao could speak with them.

Mitla’s multiethnic past demonstrates that holiness transcends cultural boundaries. What was formerly the residence of the Zapotec patron deities of death and the underworld is now the residence of twenty-one Catholic patron saints. Every year, the procession for Saint Paul begins within the ruins, with the bulk of the town present. Some locations never lose their sacred meaning.

What’s the Latest?

Now in late summer of 2023, we have some solid and scientific answers from Proyecto Lyobaa: Estudio geofisico del subsuelo en Mitla, Oaxaca (Project Lyobaa: Geophysical study of the subsoil at Mitla, Oaxaca). The project is a collaboration among the Mexican National Institute of History and Anthropology (INAH), the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), and the Association for Archaeological Research and Exploration (ARX Project).

Results from Stage 1 of Project Lyobaa have been released. An archeological team used ground penetrating radar, electrical resistive tomography, and seismic noise tomography for non-intrusive visualization; they combined these results to produce a three-dimensional model of the underground. They discovered extensive rooms and passageways 5 to 8 meters (a bit more in yards) underneath the church of San Pablo, along with evidence of an ancient temple and a giant cavern, right underneath the main altar of the Catholic church.

According to The ARX Project report on the 2022 season of Project Lyobaa,

These findings will help rewrite the history of the origins of Mitla and its development as an ancient site, as well as providing valuable information for the management and prevention of seismic and geological risk in the area.

Stage 2 of Project Lyobaa has already begun; the schedule includes more geophysical scans in other groups of structures. Researchers will work to confirm the existence of further subterranean rooms and passageways, as well as to provide information to mitigate structural risks to the Mitla ruins.

Whenever burial sites like this are rediscovered, uncovered, or tampered with, it opens the imagination to another Hollywood blockbuster. Let’s hope the writers integrate modern Zapotecs and Mixtecs into not just the storyline for accuracy, but as the main actors in the movie.

Seven Regions of Mexican Flavors

By Brooke O’Connor

When someone asks about Mexican food, the iconic taco springs to mind (see the article by the Chaikens elsewhere in this issue). While tortillas are served everywhere throughout Mexico, and provide the basis of some dishes, Mexican cuisine itself varies sharply by region, and offers much more. The regions vary – there might in fact be a dozen distinct Mexican cuisines. When we see a dish described as a la Veracruzana or Oaxaqueña, what does that mean?

With each cuisine comes history and culture – another example of how diverse and colorful Mexico is.

OAXAQUEÑO

Starting close to home, the state of Oaxaca offers a unique cuisine that can’t be mistaken for any other region. Apart from being known as “The Land of Seven Moles” (more on mole later), Oaxaca produces cheese, chocolate and mezcal.

Because of the diversity of Oaxaca’s climates, and 17 different indigenous groups with their own cooking traditions, Oaxaqueños are proud of their cultural cuisine. They represent the most pre-Hispanic traditions in Mexico, and many families cherish recipes handed down for thousands of years.

What Is Mole, Anyway?

Mole comes from the Náhuatl word mōlli meaning “sauce.” It refers to a family of sauces and not one recipe. There are hundreds of mole recipes throughout Mexico. In Oaxaca alone, there are over 200 known mole preparations. Some are quite complicated, made with over two dozen ingredients like chili peppers, fruits, nuts, seeds, cacao beans, and spices.

It should be noted that the next-door state of Puebla also claims to be the birthplace of mole. Here are seven well-known moles oaxaqueños.

Mole negro (black), perhaps the most popular mole, contains 20-30 ingredients – including chocolate – and is sweet, savory and very rich. Mole Rojo (red) is sweet, savory, and rich like mole negro, but has other flavors like guajillo and pasillo chiles, tomatoes, almonds, peanuts, sesame seeds, and spices. Mole amarillo (yellow) is much lighter, less rich and contains things like green tomatoes, ancho and guajillo chili peppers, hoja santa, and spices. Mole verde (green) includes green chili peppers, tomatillos, pepitas (pumpkin seeds), hoja santa, epazote, and other leafy greens.

Mole coloradito (reddish) includes ancho chili peppers, garlic, tomatoes, sesame seeds, and spices. Mole manchamanteles (tablecloth stainer) is named because of the bright red chorizo grease and ancho chili peppers used in the recipe, but also includes tomatoes, onions, garlic, almonds, plantains, and fresh pineapple. Mole chichilo (made from chilhuacle chile peppers) is also rare; it is similar in color to black mole but not quite as thick, and it’s the only mole among the seven that’s flavored with beef.

Oaxaca is famous for some other dishes. Tlayudas are large, thin, crunchy, partially fried or toasted tortillas, covered with a spread of asiento (lard melted to grease), refried beans, lettuce or cabbage, avocado, meat, Oaxacan cheese, and salsa. Memelas are fried or toasted cakes made of masa topped with different fresh ingredients. An empanada de amarillo is a handmade corn tortilla folded over and stuffed with chicken and yellow mole. Enmoladas are essentially enchiladas covered in mole sauce. A tetela is a triangular empanada or quesadilla that predates the Spanish conquest of Mexico. Garnachas istmeñas, coming from the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, are crispy, thin masa cakes with finely ground beef and pickled cabbage. Caldo de piedra is a famous soup of fish and shrimp soup, heated with hot river rocks. (Don’t eat the rock). Tamales oaxaqueños are filled with cornmeal encasing shredded meat and mole sauce, then wrapped with banana leaves and cooked.

Some miscellaneous Oaxacan specialties include chapulines, grasshoppers of the genus Sphenarium, toasted on a comal with or without spices (see the article by Kary Vannice elsewhere in this issue). Nicuatole is a pre-Columbian gelatinous dessert made from ground maize and sugar. Pan de yema is a rich, sugar-coated egg bread; and Oaxaca’s coffee and chocolate are both highly prized.

YUCATECO

After Oaxaca, the cuisine of the Yucatán Peninsula is recognized for the variety and originality of its cuisine. There are culinary influences from Africa, the Caribbean, and the Middle East; Yucateco cuisine is unique in its use of spices like cumin and allspice, and herbs like large-leafed Yucatecan oregano. They also make seasoning pastes with ingredients unique to the Yucatán.

It’s interesting to note that the people of Yucatán Peninsula, which comprises the states of Campeche, Quintana Roo, and Yucatán, consider themselves a bit set apart from the rest of Mexico. Probably due to geographic position, they have been culturally isolated and have their own unique ways and beliefs. Many locals consider themselves “Yucateco” as readily as “Mexicano.”

This is where we get cochinita pibil (roast pork marinated in achiote and orange, cooked in an underground oven called a píib), panuchos and salbutes (types of tostadas), sopa de lima (tortilla soup with lime), tzik de venado (shredded venison salad), and pavo en escabeche (pickled turkey).

NORTEÑO

Nearly half of Mexico is considered northern territory, and Tex Mex border food got its inspiration from this region. States considered norteño are Sonora, Chihuahua, Coahuila, and Nuevo Leon, all on the border; Sinaloa is on the lower Sea of Cortez, and Durango is landlocked right next door.

We find meat, particularly beef, with very large white flour tortillas and rice everywhere. Pinto beans and Spanish rice are common side dishes. There is also some seafood near the coast, and roast cabrito (baby goat). Nachos and burritos originated here, as well as caldo de queso (simple soup featuring potatoes, green chiles, chicken broth, and cheese) and aguachile (a type of ceviche of fresh raw shrimp, cucumber, red onion, lime juice, and water-pulverized chilis).

Sonora produces coyotas, which are traditional cookies made from flour dough and filled with piloncillo, an unrefined brown sugar. The coyota is named for a female coyote; the term is also slang for a female of mixed Indian and Spanish heritage.

VERACRUZANO

The state of Veracruz lies along the Gulf of Mexico, where the port city of Veracruz is located; the state capital, Jalapa/Xalapa, is high in the mountains. Veracruzano cuisine gives seafood a leading role. There are heavy Caribbean, Mediterranean, and African influences in the traditional dishes. This is also the home of the beloved jalapeño pepper; it is believed that vanilla originated here as well.

In many veracruzano dishes, you can find capers and olives, which rarely appear in the rest of Mexico. Pescado a la veracruzana is fish, particularly huachinango – red snapper – with tomatoes, capers, and olives. Other Veracruzano seafood dishes are arroz a la tumbada (a type of thick saucy paella), chilpachole (thick seafood soup), and acamayas (a shrimplike river crustacean often prepared al mojo de ajo).

Not to be missed if you see it on a menu in Veracruz is mole de Xico – Xico is a city in central Veracruz, the mole from Xico is very rich and sweet.

POBLANO

The state of Puebla produces two of Mexico’s most iconic dishes: mole poblano (an especially complex sauce of dried chiles, chocolate, nuts and seeds) and chiles en nogada (picadillo-stuffed chiles with a walnut sauce and pomegranate seeds – see Julie Etra’s article elsewhere in this issue). There are also cemitas and chanclas (Poblano tortas, or cakes, the latter soaked in salsa), chiles capones (simple cheese-stuffed chiles). Puebla also gives the U.S. one of its most popular Mexican dishes, chiles rellenos (again, see Julie Etra’s article).

Puebla is also famous for its soups: sopa poblano (a smoky chili soup), chileatole verde (broth and chiles thickened with masa), and sopa de hongos y poblano (made with mushrooms, roasted and diced poblano chili peppers, corn, tomatoes, chipotles, epazote, onions, garlic, and zucchini flowers)

JALISCENSE

The state of Jalisco is particularly proud. They have a saying that translates to “Jalisco is Mexico,” because many things we would recognize as traditional Mexican culture originate here – tequila, the rodeo and mariachi bands.

The variety of geography from coastline, snow covered peaks, and the largest freshwater lake in the country allow for a variety of foods. The most well known may be birria (chile-stewed goat or lamb), torta ahogada (the Mexican style French dip – ahogado means drowned), caldo michi (a fish soup), pacholas (a ground meat patty with chili), pozole rojo de Jalisco (a broth-based soup with posole [white corn or hominy], vegetables and a variety of meat and condiments).

BAJA CALIFORNIANO

Last but not least, let’s not forget that the state of California was Mexican land until 1848. So much of what is considered Cali-Mex cuisine is in actuality a fusion of norteño and Baja traditional cuisine.

There are unexpected influences here of Russian and Chinese immigrants. Moreover, Japanese colonies established the fishing industry in Ensenada and even today, fish and shellfish from these waters are sold to Japan’s global auction market.

Caesar salad and margaritas originated here. Seafood is all around you, so you’ll find an abundance of tacos of tempura fish and shrimp, ceviches, grilled lobster, and seafood cocktails. This area now also boasts vineyards, cheese and olives.

Wherever you travel in Mexico there are bound to be delicious food, hearty smiles and gregarious hospitality. However, I’ve found making a point of eating the traditional food, in the areas where it originated, is particularly satisfying.

There is one caveat. Unless you are a connoisseur of salsas, and have a craving for surprises, it is better to ask how spicy hot the salsa or sauce is. Some salsas are made to be used in very small quantities, while others are to be used liberally all over the plate. I often ask, Este nivel de picante es adecuado para los niños? (Is this spice level ok for kids?) Asked with a smile, people are happy to guide me in the right direction.

Mexico’s Pre-Hispanic Heritage Lives on in Today’s Names

By Brooke O’ Connor

When we think of Mexico and language, most people think of Spanish; certainly, it is the predominant language. However many indigenous languages are still spoken, like sleeper cells waiting to be called back into the mainstream. One way these languages stay relevant is through names. In fact, Mexico was not this great country’s original name. Anahuac (land surrounded by water) was the Náhuatl name given to this land during pre-Hispanic times.

Names for People

In modern times, pre-Hispanic first names are still very popular. They honor indigenous heritage and show pride in these ancestors. Here are some popular female pre-Hispanic names:

Ameli – Water
Citlalli – Star
Erendirani – Happy, happy to awaken
Itzel – Bright Star
Ix Chel – Moon
Malinalli – Goddess of grass
Nayelli – Love
Quetzal – Jewel, beautiful feather
Xochitl – Flower
Yunuen – Half Moon

And some popular male pre-Hispanic names:

Tonatiuh – Sun
Moctezuma – Stern prince
Ikal – Spirit
Nezahualcóyotl – Coyote who fasts
Canek – Black serpent
Cuauhtemoc – Descending eagle

Names for Places

Many towns and cities have maintained their pre-Hispanic names as well.

Oaxaca, comes from the Náhuatl word Huāxyacac (place of the guaje). The guaje is a tree (Leucaena leucocephala) found around the capital city.

The meaning of Huatulco (Guatulco, Coatulco) is “where they worship the tree” or “wood,” which refers to an ancient legend. During the first century A.D. a bearded white man arrived on a small boat to the beach we now call Santa Cruz. The man was carrying a gigantic log, that somewhat resembled the shape of a cross. Once he got to the beach, he found Zapotec and Mixtec people. The white man planted the log upright without any help from the locals. He then spent some time teaching the local people new agricultural techniques and cultural improvements.

At some point, he left in the same boat he came in on, never to be seen again. Some say that this man was Quetzalcoatl (the god of, among other, more fundamental things, learning, reading, writing, and books).

Two hundred years before the Spanish conquered Mexico, the Huatulco area was colonized by the Mexicas, whom we call the Aztecs. When they noticed the locals worshiped the wooden cross, they called the place Cuauhtolco, a Náhuatl word meaning “the place where the wooden log is adored.”

Later, after the Spanish came, Thomas Cavendish looted and pillaged the entire region. This included many failed attempts to destroy the mysterious log that apparently couldn’t be cut, sunk, or burned. Soon Spanish Catholics took this opportunity to call it a Christian cross and gave it the name Santa Cruz (Holy Cross). One more cultural appropriation to lure the submission of the locals.

Coyula, located west of the national park, represents versatility, enthusiasm, agility, and unconventional methods.

Cacaluta, located to the southwest of Santa Cruz, received its name from the Zapotec word cacalote (blackbird, including a variety of crows or ravens). In this case, Cacaluta has also been interpreted to mean vulture (zopilote in Spanish).

Tangolunda is a Zapotec word meaning “pretty woman.”

From Náhuatl to Spanish to English

As English speakers, we constantly use words borrowed from Latin, Greek, French, German, Spanish, and many other languages, but did you know we even have a few words from Nahuatl?

Because Nahuatl is still a living language, English speakers are borrowing various words from Nahuatl. For example:

Chocolate
Mezcal
Tomato
Guacamole
Coyote
Peyote
Tamales

And last but not least – Shack

The others may seem plausible, but “shack”? Etymologist David Gold traces this word back to the Nahuatl word xacalli, (note that the ‘x’ = ‘sh’), also spelled jacalli, meaning “hut with a straw roof.”

There are other words you probably know that may seem Spanish, but come from pre-Hispanic origins. Thanks to John Pint, a writer from Jalisco, we have the following list:

Amate: the ficus tree, and also paper made in pre-Hispanic times out of the tree’s bark. Still used today by artisans, ancient peoples used it for communication and religious ceremonies. A crumpled piece of amate paper found in the Huitzilapa shaft tomb in Jalisco dates back to the year 70 CE.

Atole: a thick drink made from corn flour and water, then sweetened with piloncillo (brown cane sugar) then flavored with cinnamon, vanilla and maybe chocolate.

Cacahuate: a “peanut.” The ancient Mexica used to refer to this ground nut as a tlacáhuatl or “earth cocoa bean.”

Canica: a “marble,” as in the glass balls kids play with. The word supposedly comes from the Náhuatl expression Ca, nican nican! meaning “This is mine right here!” You would shout this if you thought your marble was the winner.

Cuate: from the Náhuatl, “twin.” Today it is used much like “buddy” or “dude.”

Escuincle: the short form of xoloitzcuintle, the Mexican hairless dog breed. Today, the derivative escuincles refers to children. This is not necessarily pejorative, as xolos were considered protectors from evil spirits and the guides who take our souls to the next life.

Mitote: may originally have referred to dancing and drinking. In modern times it means “a mess” or “chaos.” Armar un mitote is to make a fuss.

Petatearse: a petate is a mat woven from reeds or palm fronds. It was also used to roll up a corpse for burial. From this comes the verb petatearse. So, se petateó means something like, “He kicked the bucket.”

Pochote: also called a ceiba, this is the silk-cotton tree, considered divine in ancient Mexico because its branches, trunk, and roots represent the cosmos’ three levels. Many Pochote varieties can be recognized by their trunk’s thick spikes.

Popote: a “drinking straw,” and is derived from the Náhuatl popotli, referring to the hollow reeds which grew all around the ancient city of Tenochtitlán.

Tejuino: a nonalcoholic beer made from sprouted corn. The ancient Nahua viewed it as the “drink of the gods.” If you drink it regularly, they said it will replace the pathogenic bacteria in your colon with probiotics – great idea for someone looking to add to the local organic market!

Tianguis: a street market, or tianquiz(tli) in Náhuatl. A tianguis is referred to as a mercado if it is enclosed. In that case, the name of the Mercado Orgánico Huatulco, held on Saturdays in Santa Cruz, ought to be Tianguis, although mercado most likely clarifies the event to foreigners.

Tlacuache: a possum. This word comes from tlacuatzin, meaning “little fire-eater.” Why is a possum a fire-eater? Let me tell you!

In pre-Hispanic mythology, the tlacuache stole fire from the gods. He grabbed a piece of burning wood with his tail and gave it to humans. So, that’s why the tail of a possum is hairless.

Tecolote: comes from the Nahuatl word for “owl” and is found in the common Mexican saying, “Cuando el tecolote canta, el indio muere” (When the owl hoots, the Indian dies). It’s interesting to note that Native Americans in the US also think the owl brings death.

Zanate: a bird called the great-tailed grackle in English. Legends say it has seven distinct songs, all of which it stole from the sea turtle. It is thought that in these songs you can hear the seven passions: love, hate, fear, courage, joy, sadness, and anger.

Pre-Hispanic languages are redolent with a rich heritage and deep connection to nature. Names provided descriptions, rather than adornment. We can see today how many Mexican people have several names, yet can go by nicknames that have nothing to do with their official, legal ones. I have yet to understand this phenomenon, but it has something to do with how they feel about themselves and the family names they were given.

In my observation, pre-Hispanic names seem to carry more pride and grounding. Although they are harder for English native speakers to pronounce, I’m sure the people with pre-Hispanic names would be happy if we did our best to (try to) learn!.

The Music of Mexico before the Spaniards

By Brooke O’Connor

When I think of traditional Mexican music, I think of mariachi bands, brass instruments, and loud emotional singalongs. Although fun, they are not the original music from Mexico.

What We Know about Pre-Hispanic Music

Until recently, pre-Hispanic music was believed to be basic and pentatonic (based on a five-note scale). In 1940, for example, the Museum of Modern Art staged a major exhibition of Mexican art; as a “sideshow” to the exhibition, Carlos Chavez, Mexico’s best-known composer/conductor, led a performance of what he called Xochi-pili-Macuilxochitl after the Aztec god of music, claiming that it was a reconstruction of Aztec music. With “all the proof” for the reconstruction being the instruments in the Mexican National Museum and the “crude” illustrations in Friar Bernardino Sahagún’s Florentine Codex (1575-77), Time Magazine was doubtful that what sounded like an “Aztec jam session” represented the real thing: “Flutes and pipes shrilled and wailed, a trombone (subbing for the snail shell) neighed an angular melody, to the spine-tingling thump-and-throb of drums, gourds, rattles. Xochipili-Macuil-xochitl sounded almost as primitive as Stravinsky.”

Despite Time’s outdated prejudices, their skepticism was probably justified. Archeologists and ethnomusicologists have discovered a diversity of instruments – whistles, vessel flutes (ocarinas), conch shells, wood, reed or bone flutes, rainsticks, stone marimbas, stringed instruments and more. Drums were made of hollow wooden cylinders. The huéhuetl was a vertical drum with a skin top, played with bare hands. The teponaztli was horizontal in form, played with a mallet, and had slits that varied the tone. We know these instruments created a variety of tones and they used a diatonic scale (the familiar seven-tone scale), polyphony (part singing and call-and-response), and microtonality (musical intervals smaller than a half-tone). In other words, they were quite sophisticated. It wasn’t just a primitive melody.

Pre-Hispanic Instruments and Their Sounds

Some archeological finds in museums can still be played today. Particularly notable is a triple clay flute found in the Hidalgo region. Unlike most flutes where you use a finger to alternately cover holes, creating different notes, this flute has a piston to modify the airflow.

Near Michoacán, they found whistles made of wood or bone, which were placed inside the mouth. A hunter would hold it between the teeth and the lips and be used to call animals.

We know from murals in the Mayan region, in particular those in the ruins of Bonampak in Chiapas, as well as Mayan vase paintings, there were trumpets – made of wood, clay, or gourds – as tall as the people blowing them. The murals of Bonampak date from the end of the 8th century; in three separate rooms, they depict the rule of King Chan Muán (reigned 776-c. 795) tells us quite a lot about Mayan music, with richly attired musicians, playing a variety of instruments, accompanying the king in procession.

From the Florentine Codex, we also know that Aztec palaces hosted a space for court musicians, the Mixcoacalli (House of The Cloud Serpent), a multi-room space where musicians could practice, build and store instruments, and generally be at the beck and call of the tlatoani (Aztec leader).

It has not been determined what pre-Hispanic music sounded like. However, found artifacts, and references to music in indigenous languages, can give us some insight. Many people in the state of Oaxaca are reviving the memory of ancient tunes. Thus, what is now called pre-Hispanic music, is musical imagination or improvisation with ancient instruments. Though not a complete view, it brings us closer to how music may have sounded in pre-Hispanic times.

The “Day the Music Died”
In Aztec culture, music and dance were considered acceptable gifts to the gods and common practice in day-to-day lives, for commoners and royalty alike. Music was a central focus at parties, preparing for war, obtaining health, ensuring good harvests, asking for rains, and preparing for conquests. Voices were also considered an important component of ritual music.
Musical instruments were boldly decorated and carved according to their musical message. According to the Spanish conquerors, the music was powerful and impressive. This, however, did not prevent them from “killing all the musicians.”

The 20-day month of Toxcatl (approximately May), comprised a feast in honor of the god Tēzcatlipōca, which ended with a celebration and human sacrifice. On May 22, 1520, as Toxcatl was drawing to a close, the Spanish, led by Deputy Governor Pedro de Alvarado, entered the hall and “attacked the musicians first, slashing at their hands and faces until they had killed all of them. The singers – and even the spectators – were also killed. This slaughter in the Sacred Patio went on for three hours” (from an account collected in Miguel León-Portilla (1926-2019), The Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico (Boston, MA: English editions 1962 – 2006). None of the Aztecs were armed in any way.

Cortés had been off fighting some rival Spaniards, but he was allowed to return to the Mexican capital in peace. A day later, however, the Aztecs attacked; the war ended a year later – Cortés took the Aztec capital, Tenochtitlan, on May 22, 1521. Within 50 years Mayan and Aztec temples were destroyed, and the priests, noblemen, and musicians were annihilated. Soon after, there was a school formed in Mexico City to teach a new form of music brought from Europe. This music taught reading from notes, using stringed instruments, and singing in parts. These songs sang praises to Catholic saints, while paganism and all its forms of practice were outlawed.

And What IS the Pre-Hispanic Sound?
In the years that followed, every part of Mexico was pulled into submission, and Spanish music and practices supplanted the native ones. However, in remote areas, there were tribes who refused to conform. They kept some form of worship and integrated their traditional music. We can still see the result of that in some modern-day rituals.

Many pagan and Christian holidays were merged culturally, including music and musical instruments. Some pagan rites were renamed with Roman nomenclature. Or some tribes added Christian gods to their list of gods.

Even today, we can clearly see two sets of holidays practiced by the Huichols of Jalisco. Their ceremonial life is a blend of pagan holy days and Christian rites. During the pagan holidays, more traditional music is played, while on Christian holidays there are violins and strings, a clear reminder of the Spanish. Chiapas also has a similar history, where stringed instruments accompany native songs.

In recent years, there’s been a revival of indigenous practices, culture, and music. Many Mexican musicians have blended flute and drumming into modern scores. But don’t be fooled. The guy standing on the corner with a three-part reed flute and a boom box is playing for the tourist’s ears, and not the indigenous ones. We can appreciate that as its own kind of fusion music.

If you’re interested in learning more:
Kathryn Goldberg’s senior thesis, submitted to Haverford College in 2018, ‘Music and Meaning in Three Zapotec Songs’ (https://scholarship.tricolib.brynmawr.edu/bitstream/handle/10066/20794/2018GoldbergK.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y).
Linguistic anthropologist professor David Tavárez of Vassar College, “Nicachi Songs: Zapotec Ritual Texts and Postclassic Ritual Knowledge in Colonial Oaxaca”
(http://www.famsi.org/reports/02050/02050Tavarez01.pdf)

Want to listen?
Antonio Zepeda is a musician and composer of music for pre-Hispanic and traditional musical instruments. According to online music service Last.fm, “Inspired by the sonority of pre-Hispanic musical instruments such as drums, flutes, rattles, water drums, turtle shells, conch shells, ocarinas, clay pots, and log drums, he re-creates with them the mystical ambiance smothered by the dust of history”
(https://www.last.fm/music/Antonio+Zepeda/+tracks).

Tortillas, Women and Circles

By Brooke O’Connor

It’s impossible to think about Mexican food without immediately thinking about tortillas, whether made with flour or variously colored corn. A legend says tortillas were invented by a humble peasant to feed a hungry king. We have records of corn tortillas being made as far back as 10,000 BCE. Why have they been a staple of the Americas and how have women making tortillas become such an important part of society?

First, let’s look at the making of tortillas. Traditionally, dried corn is cooked in lime water. Not limes from trees, but an alkaline bath made with wood ash and/or white lime powder from the earth. This process creates a chemical reaction releasing the bioavailability of B vitamins, particularly vitamin B3, which is not widely present in traditional vegetable-based diets. Boiling in this water also increases the mineral uptake such as calcium, iron, copper, and zinc by hundreds of percentage points. After the corn is boiled for at least 90 minutes, the skins can be slipped off and the corn can be ground into masa and used for tortillas, or other bases for foods like tamales or sopes.

This process is called nixtamalization, coming from the Aztec language Nahuatal word nextli “lime ashes” and tamalli “unformed/cooked corn dough.”

We don’t know how the process was discovered, but we think it goes something like this. People in the Americas didn’t have metal cooking vessels in 10,000 BCE, and the traditional pottery was not strong enough to cook directly on hot coals or fire. The earthenware pots were elevated above the fire, then hot stones were put into the pot (with the food) to increase the temperature and cook food thoroughly. Limestone is an easily attained and abundant resource in the Americas, so it the heated rocks were generally pieces of limestone. The lime leaching into the water created the nixtamalization, but a side effect was better flavor and aroma in the cornmeal (masa). Soon it became clear that cooking with limestone versus other stones created a superior product, so this became the standard. Most likely the stones were heated in the wood ash underneath the pot, and some ash was likely to enter the food as well. Savvy cooks experimented with various amounts of ash and stone until they achieved the desired flavor.

Once the corn was made into masa, small round balls were flattened by hand, and laid over a large concave piece of pottery called a comal. The comal was treated with a thick layer of limestone dissolved in water, creating a non-stick coating. This would leave a light additional dusting of calcium on every tortilla, making it even more nutritious. Periodically the limestone would be washed onto the comal again, and tortillas naturally slid off the cooking surface, using only fingers. Much safer and longer lasting than the non-stick pans we have today, despite all the advantages of modern chemistry and manufacturing.

Because cooking was traditionally a woman’s chore, tortilla-making was an essential women’s role in Mexican society, but not given much importance. It was just another job in the kitchen. It evolved into micro-businesses for women who developed a particular flair for their nixtamalization process. The skilled tortilla maker began selling to other women, freeing them up to concentrate on other things.

As the industrial revolution hit Mexico, the “wage gap” between women and men became more of a “wage chasm.” However, because tortilla making was not mechanized, it remained an industry owned and run by women. It was an essential strategy used by women of the era to maintain some form of autonomy and financial significance.

Centuries later, we have tried to industrialize nixtamalization, with terrible impact on the environment, the nutritional quality of masa, and excess use of energy resources – not to mention the lack of complex aromas and depth of flavors.

In modern days, the role of women in Mexico has changed. Women who make tortillas to sell, for the most part, are using industrially produced corn meal. The concept of societal roles, and the loss of recognition of traditional flavors, have morphed the tortilla industry into an interesting reflection of society at large. Tortilla making is considered a lower-status job for women. In fact, anthropologist Lauren A. Wynne details how modern Yucatecan Maya women have no intention of making tortillas at home because they consider it lower-class activity, and the qualities of good-tasting tortilla have changed (“I Hate It”: Tortilla-Making, Class and Women’s Tastes in Rural Yucatán, Mexico,” Food, Culture & Society {18:3, 2015}.

An interesting side note to corn and its history, is what happened when the Spaniards came to Mexico. They were enchanted with this new grain. They’d never seen corn before and described it with delight in their letters back home; they created the name tortilla (little cake). They called it this because in southern Spain, where there was a significant Arabic influence, they made small round disks from chickpea flour, and it seemed similar. The Spanish then imported wheat and the flour tortilla was born.

After Europeans began cultivating corn, it became a popular food but led to a pandemic in poorer parts of society because, without nixtamalization, it lacked niacin; the deficiency brought on a disease called pellagra. Symptoms include inflamed skin, diarrhea, dementia, and sores in the mouth. Over time, the skin became thicker, peeled, and bled. If not treated, it was fatal. The same thing happened when Europeans settled in the southern part of the United States. Settlers relied on easily grown corn crops to survive, but neglected to learn the indigenous way of preparation. One could argue Nature herself served up a little social justice.

As most things go, history repeats itself. The traditional ways of cooking are becoming more interesting again, as our food resources become more expensive and less nutritious. There are several cooking schools in Huatulco that offer classes in traditional and modern Mexican cuisine.

There are also still women who make tortillas by hand, with corn they grew and processed themselves. If you are fortunate enough to have organic, indigenous corn, nixtamalized over a fire, and cooked over a traditional comal, you will notice the difference immediately.

Like history, women have always been circular. We have cyclical bodily rhythms, pregnant bellies, round with ripe life. It’s through the family circle we serve our immediate loved ones. We support each other, disguised as crafting circles. It only seems fitting, women will bring this art of circle-shaped tortilla-making back into the mainstream. There is something wholesome and delicious in the process. There’s a connection with the earth, history, and the elements when we connect with indigenous ways of cooking. If you have a chance to make even one tortilla with your own hands, take it. It’s a science and an art, and hopefully, together we can revive the womanly art of circles and tortillas.