Tag Archives: November 2024

“You Say You Want a Revolution” — Literature That Imparts History

By Carole Reedy

Revolution: A forcible overthrow of a government or social order, in favor of a new system.
— Oxford Languages

History written as literature is a popular genre, providing the reader with knowledge of the past in the context of fine writing. American novelist, screenwriter, playwright, and actor Truman Capote created this new way of looking at actual events in his true-crime novel In Cold Blood in 1966.

The following books are among the best examples of this style. Some are recognized as historical fiction and some as nonfiction, but all are written with the style and flair that these well-established writers bring to a subject. Each covers a different and significant period and place in time. Reading them not only allows us to engage with the past, but also gives us the opportunity to reflect on its effect on our daily life and decisions.

Revolution, by Arturo Pérez-Reverte (2022)
“All my life I heard at home the story of that friend of my great-grandfather, a mining engineer, who worked in Mexico in the midst of the revolution. That remote memory has brought me closer to my own relationship with adventure and has led me to write this story. It is a novel of initiation and learning and is, in some way, my own biography of youth. It is my Golden Arrow.” Arturo Pérez-Reverte

Revolution is among the 30-some Pérez-Reverte (1951 – ) novels that readers devour every year. His popularity seems easy to grasp. Since we all suspect that truth is stranger than fiction, his preferred genre, historical fiction, resonates with people of all classes and cultures worldwide. Pérez-Reverte combines plot and characterization to perfection, often including a dollop of humor.

The Revolution in question here is our own Mexican Revolution (1910-1921) in the time of Zapata and Pancho Villa. The focus is not simply on fighting and war, but rather on finding a treasure consisting of 15,000 twenty-peso Maximilian gold coins that had been stolen from a bank in Ciudad Juárez in 1911.

One reader praises the breadth of the book: Pérez-Reverte “takes us through important episodes such as the capture of Ciudad Juárez, the Ten Tragic Days, the battles of Zacatecas and Celaya. The narrative is so good that one is transported in places and times to understand a process as complex as the Mexican Revolution. Highly recommended reading.”

Pérez-Reverte is Spanish, born in Cartagena, Spain, and while many of his novels concern Spain and the Mediterranean, his books are read in more than 50 countries. As you celebrate the Mexican Revolution this November 20, crack open this important read!

Hilary Mantel (1952-2022) asserted that “We don’t reproduce the past, we create it.” In 2017, Mantel gave the Reith Lectures (the BBC’s annual lecture series featuring significant intellectual figures).  Addressing “the aims, ideals, constraints and critiques of historical fiction, and the challenges that writers face,” Mantel observed that readers are “actively requesting a subjective interpretation” of the historical evidence.  The writer’s job is “to recreate the texture of lived experience: to activate the senses, and to deepen the reader’s engagement through feeling”
Many of us deeply enjoyed Mantel’s three novels Wolf Hall (2009), Bring Up the Bodies (2012), and The Mirror and the Light (2020), which transported us, through the eyes of the ever-crafty Thomas Cromwell, into Henry the Eighth’s tumultuous kingdom.
Mantel’s sometimes forgotten novels live up to the esteemed reputation she enjoyed after the publication of the Cromwell trilogy. Among her earlier works and one of the most formidable, A Place of Greater Safety ensconces us in the French Revolution though the eyes of its three heroes. It is my favorite of her many powerful novels.
It’s hard to believe Mantel had trouble finding a publisher for this significant contribution to the literature of the French Revolution. By telling us the complicated history of the Revolution through the eyes of Georges Jacques Danton, Camille Desmoulins, and Maximilien Robespierre, Mantel humanizes the major players on both sides, allowing us to relate to them and to the Revolution itself.
“Hilary shares her strict adherence to historical facts; her frustration with the gaps in the historical record; and her preoccupation with French 18th-century drawing room wallpaper. She explains how familiar events from history can be transformed into surprising new dramas when a point of view is changed; and how the unknowns – what her characters think or feel – is where her creativity did its work” (author Katie Ward, “Hilary Mantel was my mentor. Here are seven things she taught me about writing – and life,” The Guardian [September 19, 2024]).

Age of Revolutions: Progress and Backlash from 1600 to the Present, by Fareed Zakaria (2024)
Most of us recognize Zakaria (1964 – ) as the face of CNN’s popular show Fareed Zakaria GPS (Global Public Square). You may also have read his popular column in The Washington Post or seen his profile on the jacket of his books. Zakaria inspires trust, and his faithful admirers look to him for guidance in our complicated world.

This significant book covers five centuries of history to explain the world’s current state of affairs. It advises us to understand how the French Revolution, the Industrial Revolution, and the American Revolution affect our current situation.

Evelyn Waugh wrote in Brideshead Revisited: “We possess nothing certainly except the past.” And it is this from which we must learn, although it doesn’t appear we are doing a very good job of it.

Another Day of Life, by Ryszard Kapuściński (Polish edition 1976, English translation 1987)
There is nothing more satisfying than discovering an author whose creations spark curiosity about the conditions of other cultures. For years the Polish journalist, writer, poet, and essayist Kapuściński (1932-2007) gave us a wealth of knowledge and, more importantly, a glimpse into the suffering of “the other.”

He could also be correctly crowned the king of revolutions, having reported in his lifetime on 27 revolutions, mostly in Africa and the Middle East.

In 1975 Kapuscinski reported on the civil war following independence in Angola. His book Another Day of Life describes the “sloppy, dogged and cruel war.” An animated film was made from the book. Both book and movie demonstrate the abysmal effect of war on the populations that suffer through them.

Kapuscinski is best known for The Emperor: Downfall of an Autocrat (1978), the story of the 40-plus year reign of Haile Selassie in Ethiopia. Observations related to Kapuscinski by those who worked for Selassie or lived during his rule describe a man who lived like a king among the neglected population that served him.

In another gem, the story of the infamous Shah of Iran is told in his best-selling Shah of Shahs (1992), which assesses the reign of the Shah of Iran and his exit from the country.

In Ryszard Kapuściński, the Nobel Prize committee once again missed the opportunity to recognize an important writer who traveled and reported on world areas in the turmoil of revolution.

Say Nothing: A True Story of Murder and Memory in Northern Ireland, by Patrick Radden Keefe (2019)
The Irish Revolutionary Army dominated the world news for years in the 1980s and 90s, though its many factions and rumors of the era can be confusing. Through a main story and its accompanying sidebars in this marvelously crafted piece of literature, Radden Keefe sets up and describes this era from a variety of perspectives, via the citizens involved as well as the hidden nuances that make up this history.

The true and brutal action begins on the first page with the kidnapping of Jean McConville, a mother of ten wee weans in Belfast, Ireland, in 1972. From there the story expands into a narrative that includes an explanation of the seemingly endless conflicts in Ireland.

Recognizable major players are highlighted in this long history of clashes between Catholics and Protestants, as well as the presence of the British government in the north of the island. Through the actions of Gerry Adams, Bobby Sands, and Dolours Price, the story of the various factions is told.

Radden Keefe (1976 – ) is well regarded for his accurate account of pertinent historical eras and the people behind the history. The book was named one of the top ten books of 2019 by both The New York Times Book Review and The Washington Post. It won the 2019 National Book Critics Circle Award for nonfiction. Radden Keefe knows how to take facts and weave a story of grand proportion that kept this reader on the very edge of her seat.

Radden Keefe’s Empire of Pain: The Secret History of the Sackler Dynasty (2021) received well-deserved attention more recently, as did the book-based Netflix series Painkiller (2023); both tell the story of how the pharmaceutical industry created a nationwide opioid addiction for its own profit.

¡VIVA LA REVOLUCIÓN!

 

Editor’s Letter

By Jane Bauer

“The great cause of inequality in the distribution of wealth is inequality in the ownership of land. The ownership of land is the great fundamental fact which ultimately determines the social, the political, and consequently the intellectual and moral condition of a people.”
― Henry George, Progress and Poverty

Learning about history in school was like hearing about people you would never meet. For me, there was an abyss between the Then and the Now.

Even when we were studying WWII in grade six it felt so distant – something that belonged in a museum exhibition with a sign warning you not to touch it. Of course we need only look at the morning news to see that human atrocities are never ending. Our species is insatiable for more, insatiable for claiming ownership and dominion over… well anything that crosses it’s path. World leaders behave like squabbling five year olds, each pulling the arm of a doll while screaming ‘mine’. There is a crassness to needing so much.

From the moment I moved to Mexico I felt the way the past covered the now like a gauze, time here is not linear but layered. Although the Mexican Revolution occurred over a hundred years ago, life here will constantly remind you what it accomplished. This month our writers explore Emiliano Zapata, a Mexican icon and hero of the revolution.

Revolution is word that conjures up violence and conflict and yet the Mexican Revolution aimed for more equanimity, more humanity and dignity for living off the land. It questioned ‘what is ownership?’ and challenged the class system that gave, and continues to give, one group power over another. I would even go so far as to say that it hinted at the dissolution of the ego. If our egos are intertwined with what we have, then releasing this idea of dominion and ownership is letting go a little bit of what most of us have been taught defines us.

These questions and reverence for the land continue today, not throughout all of Mexico, but in some places. Places like the communal land village where I live. Where there is a feeling of contentment that I hope rubs off on me.

If you are in Mexico enjoy Día de la Revolución celebrations on November 20th. There will be a parade in almost every town and city with children dressed up as revolutionaries, a testament to the way history is now.

See you soon,

Jane

P.S. Aim for a plastic-free vacation and travel with your own refillable water bottle.

Music in Copalita

By Diego Ramirez Carreño

Barra de Copalita is a village located in the south of Oaxaca, next to the paradise-like bays of Huatulco. Since its founding about 50 years ago, there has been a fondness for wind music. Several generations have passed in which an attempt has been made to form a town band, but for various reasons, it has not been achieved.

For several years, Maestro Fortino Martínez Jarquín has been teaching music, initially at the Emiliano Zapata primary school, resulting in the first band that Copalita had. Due to personal circumstances, each of the young musicians in this band took different paths; to study high school and university, they had to migrate to various cities within the state and the country.

About six years ago, the maestro, along with some parents from that first band, resumed the project by teaching classes in the courtyard of the health clinic located in the center of the community. It is worth mentioning that this second phase took place, as it is usually called, “for the love of art,” since the maestro only had intermittent financial support from the parents, who have worked with local municipal and state authorities.

This year the project organizers approached José Luis Bohórquez López, the representative of the community for the 2024-2025 administration, who provided support by improving the facilities, as they were not in very good condition; there was no roof, no bathrooms, nor proper electrical installations. The remodeling included complete maintenance of the health clinic, as well as the construction of a perimeter wall, improvements to the lighting to define the area and provide greater security, and the construction of two bathrooms for the music school and the hall where classes are held.

The project resumed this fall, with 23 children participating. At the music school, the children learn to play various wind instruments, such as soprano saxophone, alto saxophone, tenor saxophone, alto and bass clarinet, trumpet, and tuba. They also learn solfège (training to read and sing musical notation and scores).

Maestro Fortino teaches from Tuesday to Friday from 6:00 PM to 7:30 PM for solfège (for all children) and from 7:30 PM to 9:00 PM for instrumentation, working with children who are already playing melodies with their instruments.

The project aims to shape individuals with values who appreciate and participate in our traditions. Despite being a relatively new village, Copalita has been finding and strengthening its identity, and we believe that having a musical band will be fundamental to preserving it over the years.

Music is very important to Copalita; it is part of our traditions and accompanies us at all times, from the happiest occasions, such as the town festivities on the fifth Friday of Lent and December 18, celebrating the Virgin of Solitude, to birthdays, weddings, and baptisms.

It also supports us during difficult moments, such as the loss of a loved one. We know that all forms of art connect us to our most human side, and what we want to achieve in our community is to strengthen and improve interpersonal relationships, thus helping to build a better community. We will continue with our children until we achieve what has long been desired: the music band of Barra de Copalita.

The Legacies of Emiliano Zapata: Apparently, the Personal was NOT Political

By Deborah Van Hoewyk

Even if you don’t know much about Emiliano Zapata (1879-1919), you’ve probably heard of the Zapatista movement he inspired (see Julie Etra’s article elsewhere in this issue). Dedicated to the proposition that land should be returned to the people, Zapata, as commander of the Liberation Army of the South, is one of the best-known heroes of the Mexican Revolution (1910-20). When Francisco Madero successfully ousted the dictator Porfirio Díaz and made himself president in 1911, however, he failed to implement any of the land reforms Zapata and like-minded revolutionaries expected.

Zapata went home to Ayala in Morelos (south of Mexico City) and wrote his “Plan de Ayala,” castigating Madero and ensuring that the peasants of Morelos would benefit from land reform. The Plan de Ayala was instrumental to creating Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution, which establishes indigenous land rights in communal holdings (ejidos and comunidades agrarias); it is considered a fundamental text for the Zapatista movement.

The Mexican Revolution was marked by chaos: coups, assassinations, hostilities between northern and southern factions in what was basically a-civil-war-within-a-civil-war. Zapata was a thorn in the side of Mexico’s various presidents – none of whom implemented any meaningful land reform, despite the 1917 Constitution. The Constitution had been promoted by Venustiano Carranza, governor of the state of Coahuila; in the wake of the Constitution, Carranza became president of Mexico.

Once in office, he was determined to get rid of Zapata, who took his ragged peasant soldiers into battle whenever his demands were ignored. On April 10, 1919, Carranza’s military organized an elaborate ruse to get Zapata to a supposedly secret meeting at Hacienda Chinameca (about 18 km, or 11 miles, south of Ayala). He arrived on horseback and saluted the military lineup; they promptly murdered him in his saddle.

Zapata’s Political Legacy

Politically, Zapata left behind a peasant movement that lives on today, mostly in Chiapas. The lengthy dominant-party role of the PRI party (Partido Revolucionario Institucional – see Randy Jackson’s article elsewhere in this issue) left many people, especially younger people, feeling there was no political avenue open to them except Zapata-style resistance. As the Revolution faded (it took quite some time for the fighting to stop), the Zapatistas began a long and complicated history of representing the indigenous peoples of southern Mexico, often clashing with northern anti-government groups.

Three events crystallized the Zapatista identity and firmly located it in the Lacondon jungle area of Chiapas as the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (National Zapatista Army of Liberation, or EZLN).

· In 1992, Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution (which had been repealed in 1991) was amended, basically eliminating any official recognition of the need for land reform and halting any efforts at protecting communal lands of indigenous or campesino groups.
· On January 1, 1994, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was signed, leading the EZLN to declare war on the Mexico government. The EZLN occupied four towns in Chiapas, including San Cristóbal de las Casas; after 11 days of bloody fighting, during which 300 people died, the Mexican government started negotiations with the EZLN. It took two years, but in 1996, the Mexican government and the EZLN signed the San Andres Accords, granting autonomy, recognition, and rights to the indigenous peoples of Mexico. In other words, the Accords ostensibly restored some portions of Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution.
· Also in 1996, the EZLN convened an Intercontinental Meeting for Humanity and against Neoliberalism, becoming the de facto leader of leftist activists around the world.

As time has passed, the Zapatistas have had less impact on political issues; the EZLN still exists, and still fights for indigenous rights, but their activities are mostly confined to Chiapas. They are opposed to mega-infrastructure projects in the region and maintain ties with European activists. Drug cartels have used violence against local Zapatista governments, causing the EZLN to reorganize in more local collectives aligned with broader Assemblies of Collectives of Zapatista Autonomous Governments” (ACGAZ).

Zapata’s Personal Legacies: Men???

Zapata, an icon of machismo, had twenty or so kids with either 9 or 14 women (he only married one of them); he may also have been bisexual, a possibility that has recently been reexamined because of a painting.

A Controversial Painting. On Tuesday, December 10, 2019, protesters stormed the usually staid and monumental Palacio de Bellas Artes in Mexico City’s historic center. Many of the protesters were indigenous farmers – those for whom Zapata had fought. Their target was one particular painting in the exhibition Emiliano. Zapata Después de Zapata (Emiliano. Zapata after Zapata), held to mark the centennial of Zapata’s death.

Three events crystallized the Zapatista identity and firmly located it in the Lacondon jungle area of Chiapas as the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (National Zapatista Army of Liberation, or EZLN).

· In 1992, Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution (which had been repealed in 1991) was amended, basically eliminating any official recognition of the need for land reform and halting any efforts at protecting communal lands of indigenous or campesino groups.
· On January 1, 1994, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was signed, leading the EZLN to declare war on the Mexico government. The EZLN occupied four towns in Chiapas, including San Cristóbal de las Casas; after 11 days of bloody fighting, during which 300 people died, the Mexican government started negotiations with the EZLN. It took two years, but in 1996, the Mexican government and the EZLN signed the San Andres Accords, granting autonomy, recognition, and rights to the indigenous peoples of Mexico. In other words, the Accords ostensibly restored some portions of Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution.
· Also in 1996, the EZLN convened an Intercontinental Meeting for Humanity and against Neoliberalism, becoming the de facto leader of leftist activists around the world.

As time has passed, the Zapatistas have had less impact on political issues; the EZLN still exists, and still fights for indigenous rights, but their activities are mostly confined to Chiapas. They are opposed to mega-infrastructure projects in the region and maintain ties with European activists. Drug cartels have used violence against local Zapatista governments, causing the EZLN to reorganize in more local collectives aligned with broader Assemblies of Collectives of Zapatista Autonomous Governments” (ACGAZ).

Zapata’s Personal Legacies: Men???

Zapata, an icon of machismo, had twenty or so kids with either 9 or 14 women (he only married one of them); he may also have been bisexual, a possibility that has recently been reexamined because of a painting.

A Controversial Painting. On Tuesday, December 10, 2019, protesters stormed the usually staid and monumental Palacio de Bellas Artes in Mexico City’s historic center. Many of the protesters were indigenous farmers – those for whom Zapata had fought. Their target was one particular painting in the exhibition Emiliano. Zapata Después de Zapata (Emiliano. Zapata after Zapata), held to mark the centennial of Zapata’s death.

Three events crystallized the Zapatista identity and firmly located it in the Lacondon jungle area of Chiapas as the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (National Zapatista Army of Liberation, or EZLN).

· In 1992, Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution (which had been repealed in 1991) was amended, basically eliminating any official recognition of the need for land reform and halting any efforts at protecting communal lands of indigenous or campesino groups.
· On January 1, 1994, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was signed, leading the EZLN to declare war on the Mexico government. The EZLN occupied four towns in Chiapas, including San Cristóbal de las Casas; after 11 days of bloody fighting, during which 300 people died, the Mexican government started negotiations with the EZLN. It took two years, but in 1996, the Mexican government and the EZLN signed the San Andres Accords, granting autonomy, recognition, and rights to the indigenous peoples of Mexico. In other words, the Accords ostensibly restored some portions of Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution.
· Also in 1996, the EZLN convened an Intercontinental Meeting for Humanity and against Neoliberalism, becoming the de facto leader of leftist activists around the world.

As time has passed, the Zapatistas have had less impact on political issues; the EZLN still exists, and still fights for indigenous rights, but their activities are mostly confined to Chiapas. They are opposed to mega-infrastructure projects in the region and maintain ties with European activists. Drug cartels have used violence against local Zapatista governments, causing the EZLN to reorganize in more local collectives aligned with broader Assemblies of Collectives of Zapatista Autonomous Governments” (ACGAZ).

Zapata’s Personal Legacies: Men???

Zapata, an icon of machismo, had twenty or so kids with either 9 or 14 women (he only married one of them); he may also have been bisexual, a possibility that has recently been reexamined because of a painting.

A Controversial Painting. On Tuesday, December 10, 2019, protesters stormed the usually staid and monumental Palacio de Bellas Artes in Mexico City’s historic center. Many of the protesters were indigenous farmers – those for whom Zapata had fought. Their target was one particular painting in the exhibition Emiliano. Zapata Después de Zapata (Emiliano. Zapata after Zapata), held to mark the centennial of Zapata’s death.

Three events crystallized the Zapatista identity and firmly located it in the Lacondon jungle area of Chiapas as the Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (National Zapatista Army of Liberation, or EZLN).

· In 1992, Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution (which had been repealed in 1991) was amended, basically eliminating any official recognition of the need for land reform and halting any efforts at protecting communal lands of indigenous or campesino groups.
· On January 1, 1994, the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) was signed, leading the EZLN to declare war on the Mexico government. The EZLN occupied four towns in Chiapas, including San Cristóbal de las Casas; after 11 days of bloody fighting, during which 300 people died, the Mexican government started negotiations with the EZLN. It took two years, but in 1996, the Mexican government and the EZLN signed the San Andres Accords, granting autonomy, recognition, and rights to the indigenous peoples of Mexico. In other words, the Accords ostensibly restored some portions of Article 27 of the 1917 Constitution.
· Also in 1996, the EZLN convened an Intercontinental Meeting for Humanity and against Neoliberalism, becoming the de facto leader of leftist activists around the world.

As time has passed, the Zapatistas have had less impact on political issues; the EZLN still exists, and still fights for indigenous rights, but their activities are mostly confined to Chiapas. They are opposed to mega-infrastructure projects in the region and maintain ties with European activists. Drug cartels have used violence against local Zapatista governments, causing the EZLN to reorganize in more local collectives aligned with broader Assemblies of Collectives of Zapatista Autonomous Governments” (ACGAZ).

Zapata’s Personal Legacies: Men???

Zapata, an icon of machismo, had twenty or so kids with either 9 or 14 women (he only married one of them); he may also have been bisexual, a possibility that has recently been reexamined because of a painting.

A Controversial Painting. On Tuesday, December 10, 2019, protesters stormed the usually staid and monumental Palacio de Bellas Artes in Mexico City’s historic center. Many of the protesters were indigenous farmers – those for whom Zapata had fought. Their target was one particular painting in the exhibition Emiliano. Zapata Después de Zapata (Emiliano. Zapata after Zapata), held to mark the centennial of Zapata’s death.

It wasn’t this one …

 

 

 

 

 

Nor was it this one, odd as it may be.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

It was this one. Note that the stilettoes seem to be revolvers, Zapata’s sombrero is pink with painted flowers, and the horse is – um – aroused. The title is La Revolución.

Antonio Medrano spoke for the protesters: “This isn’t freedom of expression, it is debauchery! It’s degrading. They can’t exhibit our history that way … they can’t permit this kind of mockery.” Perhaps the strongest protests came from Zapata’s descendants, who said they would sue to have the painting removed. Jorge Zapata Gonzalez, Zapata’s grandson, asserted that “We are not going to allow this,” said Jorge Zapata Gonzalez. “For us as relatives, this denigrates the figure of our general – depicting him as gay.”

The artist, Fabián Cháirez, says he was surprised by the cries to take it down, hide it away, or burn it. Cháirez, gay himself, shows a number of similar paintings on his website – La Revolución was painted in 2014. At the time of the exhibition, the artist told the BBC he conceived of the painting as a counterpoint to the predominant image of masculinity as a white fortachón (strongman – Zapata was called el caudillo del sur, another way to say “strongman”); he said he thought issues of sexuality “had already been overcome or [were] under control: inclusion, respect for diversity or difference. Issues such as machismo, misogyny, homophobia.” Those who disagree with the protesters see the painting as an exercise in artistic freedom, or as an effort to quell the negative Mexican attitude towards anything effeminate.

 

Beyond the Battlefield: The Impact of the Mexican Revolution on Women’s Rights

By Kary Vannice

On October 1st, 2024, Mexico experienced a historic moment – the inauguration of its first female president, a paradigm shift long in the making that started partly with the gun-toting Adelitas and soldaderas (see article by Frances López elsewhere in this issue) who fought alongside men during the Mexican Revolution (1910-±21), but more so because of the fundamental shift in family structures and social norms of the time. Women were presented with opportunity born out of necessity, and they made the most of it.

With the men away waging war, women were not only able but required to break out of their traditional roles as wives and mothers. They became leaders and active participants in political, social, and labor movements. The impacts of the revolution spread far beyond the front lines and bled right down into rural communities, upending their way of life, leaving countless widows and orphans behind, and breaking down social structures. Grassroots, women-led initiatives focused on providing education, healthcare, and social services. They formed mutual aid societies designed specifically to address the needs of women.

Suddenly, women became the primary decision-makers and breadwinners in their homes. They started managing farms, businesses, and household finances, all responsibilities previously considered male domains. If they didn’t have a business to run, they entered the workforce as factory workers in industries like textiles, tobacco, and food production. Other women stepped even deeper into male roles, operating trains, driving vehicles, and working as messengers. These more dangerous jobs were crucial for moving goods, transporting troops, and relaying information to support the war effort. Women serving in these roles defied societal expectations of physical capability and mental fortitude.

As more women advanced in business and industry, they began to exert their influence in labor unions, organizing strikes, leading labor movements, and advocating for workers’ rights. For women to lead public political movements, in both urban and rural areas, was groundbreaking at the time. Many of these women have been lost to history, but one woman, Juana Belén Gutiérrez de Mendoza (1875-1942), a professor, journalist, and outspoken activist who led a national campaign for better wages, safer working conditions, and shorter work hours, remains in the history books as a prominent leader of the feminist movement.

Other feminist leaders, such as Hermila Galindo (1886-1954) and Elvia Carrillo Puerto (1878-1967), seized the political and social chaos of the Revolution to advocate for women’s right to vote, reproductive rights, and access to education, spearheading social movements to secure women’s rights in the long term.

The Revolution led to a nearly decade-long shift in family structures, granting women the financial independence and economic bargaining power to challenge patriarchal norms. Though this period was brief, it was significant for the advancement of women’s rights. Once the war ended, women were expected to return to their traditional roles as wives and mothers, but enough progress had been made to change the Mexican socio-political landscape forever.

The 1917 Constitution instituted new labor laws, including fair wages, reasonable working hours, and safe working conditions. And, more importantly, it specifically addressed women workers, guaranteeing maternity leave and making it illegal to fire a woman for becoming pregnant. New constitutional laws also mandated free schooling for all citizens, improving women’s access to education, particularly in rural areas. Although women did not gain the right to vote until 1953, they had officially become a political force in Mexico, advancing the feminist agenda and bringing attention to gender inequality.

One might think that, now, with a woman seated in the highest office in the land, women have “arrived” at full and total equality with men in Mexico. But if you ask any woman here if that’s the case, you will likely hear sentiments reminiscent of those expressed by feminist leader Hermila Galindo: “I firmly and intensely believe that women deserve a better fate than that which has been bestowed upon them by the legislation of all the eras prior to the present.”

Perhaps with a woman leading the country, what these revolutionary women fought for will finally come to pass.