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Calakmul: A Maya Metropolis Rediscovered

By Randy Jackson

When thinking about visiting ancient Maya cities, locations like Palenque and Tikal often capture our imagination. Yet one of the largest and most powerful ancient Maya centers remains unfamiliar to many: Calakmul (Kah-lahk-mool), hidden deep within the dense jungles of Campeche near the Guatemalan border. This relatively obscure site dominated the Maya lowlands for centuries until its mysterious abandonment in the 8th and 9th centuries. Swallowed by the jungle for over a thousand years, Calakmul’s towering pyramids and carved monuments now draw the attention of tourists, historians, and anthropologists alike. Though many of its restored structures stand as a testament to a once-thriving civilization, Calakmul today faces new challenges, caught at the intersection of modern development pressures and environmental controversy.

A Short History of Calakmul

Calakmul began as a significant settlement about 300 BCE. It was built on low limestone hills in the lush jungle lowlands. It was surrounded by seasonal marshlands, which its inhabitants engineered into a sophisticated system of 13 water reservoirs. Among these was the largest reservoir in the Maya world, which still exists today.

At its peak, between the 6th and 9th centuries CE, Calakmul exerted considerable control and influence over much of the Maya region, forging alliances and dominating through conquest. For a time, this included control over its formidable rival, Tikal, in what is now Guatemala. Calakmul had over six thousand structures and covered an area of 70 square kilometres (27 square miles). It also had an extensive network of causeways, one of which extended 38 kilometres (24 miles). This network connected most of the cities and settlements of the central and lowlands of the Yucatán. Among its architectural wonders, Calakmul’s main pyramid stands 45 metres (148 feet) tall. Over centuries, Calakmul produced exquisite art, including jade carvings, pottery, and mural paintings, reflecting high craftsmanship and cultural sophistication.

After flourishing for centuries, Calakmul succumbed to the broader patterns of decline that swept through the Maya Civilization. Much has been written about the possible causes of the Maya collapse, which took place around the 8th to 9th centuries. Environmental conditions of prolonged drought and deforestation were a significant underlying cause. Despite its sophisticated network of reservoirs, Calakmul was not immune to more serious ecological degradation and other factors contributing to the overall collapse of the Maya Civilization.

Archaeologists and historians point to several factors that led to the Maya Collapse. Structural changes in society and warfare compounded environmental stresses. Archaeological evidence shows a shift from a society ruled by kings to one ruled by a wider, fractious group of elites in the different Maya centres. This resulted in wars becoming more pervasive and deadly, involving common people in warfare. Previously, warfare was more ritualistic and conducted by a warrior class. Consequently, wars and their effects took men away from other tasks that supported an agricultural-based society. Monuments were no longer being built or maintained, and fields were no longer tended as common people lost faith in a society increasingly disintegrating into chaos and violence. Although the collapse took over a century, one can imagine the poignant image of the last person or family turning one final time to look at Calakmul’s crumbling structures before walking away, leaving the jungle to reclaim it.

Rediscovery and Modern Challenges

Approximately one thousand years later, in 1931, Cyrus Lundell, an American botanist, stumbled on the ruins of Calakmul during a survey looking for stands of the chicozapote tree, which is used in the production of chewing gum. This significant finding began a new era for Calakmul and its surroundings, which had become rich in biodiversity.

The Mexican Revolution had earlier set the stage for land reform, which would one day impact Calakmul. The 1917 constitution, Article 27, introduced ejidos—communal lands that could not be sold but could be worked collectively or individually. Decades later, under Presidents Adolfo López Mateos (1958-1964) and Gustavo Díaz Ordaz (1964-1970), land redistribution based on ejidos was revitalized as part of a broader development and modernization agenda. This land reform impacted Campeche, including the Calakmul area.

Although indigenous people have always lived in this area in smaller numbers, the promise of free land for agriculture attracted landless poor peasants from all over Mexico. Once again, trees were being felled, animals were hunted in larger numbers, and land was cleared for agriculture. The Calakmul environment, once depleted beyond its ability to support the Maya civilization, was then, and is now, again under threat.

In response to the challenges stemming from increasing population, President Carlos Salinas de Gortari (1988-1994) proclaimed the Calakmul Biosphere Reserve, stating that it was to protect the area’s unique biological diversity and numerous ancient Maya ruins. Since this proclamation and a later UNESCO designation, tensions have existed between local campesinos and governmental officials. The campesinos viewed the land as a place to carve out a livelihood, whereas conservationists and government authorities argued for preserving the land in a natural state. Roads and tourist development have exacerbated the issue. In 1991, the campesinos were given responsibility to care for the reserve, and although this has improved some sustainability practices, issues between development and conservation continue. Amid these modern conflicts, the spirits of Calakmul roam the ruins like the howler monkeys.

Visiting Calakmul

The most common route for those wishing to visit Calakmul is driving from Cancún, about 500 km (310 mi) away. Access is through the nearby town of Xpujil, Campeche, a center for numerous nearby ancient Maya ruins. To access Calakmul and the Calakmul Biosphere, there is a signed turnoff from highway 186 near Xpujil. Calakmul is 60 km (37 mi) from highway 186 on a mostly good, but narrow, forested roadway.

At Calakmul, the most significant and central structures have been partially restored, including some of the large pyramids and the acropolis. The site offers captivating Maya ruins that blend into the surrounding jungle, offering a unique experience of discovery and exploration amidst a backdrop of significant biodiversity—a setting befitting such a prominent city of the Maya world that mysteriously disappeared.

For contact and comments, email box95jackson@gmail.com.

The Digital Minefield: Navigating the Complexities of Cryptocurrency

By Randy Jackson

Historical Context: The Price Revolution

After the Spanish conquest of the Americas in the sixteenth century, gold and silver from the mines of Mexico and Peru flooded Spain and spilled across Europe. As gold and silver were already the currencies of Europe, this dramatically increased the money supply, causing a sustained period of inflation throughout Europe. The economic historian Earl Hamilton named this period “The Price Revolution,” highlighting the ripple effects on prices and economic power structures due to this dramatic shift in currency supply.

From Tangible Value to Fiat: The Evolution of Money

For centuries, the value of money was rooted in tangible commodities like gold and silver. In fact, for much of human history, currency was the value of the actual coin exchanged, often gold, silver, copper, or bronze. Later, and for centuries longer, the value of paper currencies depended on a country’s gold reserves. However, gold-reserve-based currencies limited the ability of governments to control the economy, such as the ability to increase money supply during economic downturns. By the 1970s, governments adopted “fiat” currency – fiat literally means “let it be done,” i.e., a decree, in this case allowing government economic actions and policies, rather than physical gold, establish the value of a country’s currency.

The Rise of Cryptocurrency

Today, cryptocurrency represents a radical shift in understanding, using, and valuing currency. It is a currency that does not depend on minerals or government authority. Instead, its value depends on the trust in the underlying technology, called “blockchain,” and the community consensus of its users; in other words, the value of a cryptocurrency at any moment is the market “sentiment” for that cryptocurrency. Today, hundreds of billions of dollars (US) worth of cryptocurrencies are traded daily. There are many different cryptocurrencies; Bitcoin, Ethereum, and Tether make up the majority of daily trading volumes.

Advantages and Challenges of Decentralization

Cryptocurrency proponents tout decentralization from government and banking institutions as one of its main advantages. Without currency exchange or bank intermediaries, cryptocurrencies can facilitate easier, faster, and cheaper international transactions, making global commerce more accessible. They also present the paradox of user anonymity paired with transparency of transactions. Using blockchain technology, all cryptocurrency transactions are traceable and on a public ledger, but the person or entity behind the transaction is anonymous.

Practical Guide: How to Purchase Cryptocurrency

● Create an account on a cryptocurrency exchange: Start by investigating the most widely used cryptocurrency exchanges; the top three are Coinbase, Binance, and Kraken. To comply with financial regulations, you must register and verify your identity. This typically involves providing your name, address, and a copy of a government-issued ID.

● Deposit Funds: Once you have an account, you can transfer funds from your bank account or use a credit card. Your cryptocurrency exchange account will hold the funds you have transferred. You then have funds available to purchase the cryptocurrency of your choice.

● Make a purchase of cryptocurrency: Once you’ve decided on which cryptocurrency to purchase, you can place an order to buy it, or a fraction of it, depending on its price and the minimum purchase amount on the exchange. Transaction fees will apply. To this point, this process is similar to executing trades on a stock exchange.

● Secure your cryptocurrency with a Wallet: There are two types of cryptocurrency Wallets. Hot Wallets are connected to the Internet, allowing easy access to transactions. Cold Wallets are held separately and are not connected to the internet, often on a USB. This digital wallet does not hold the cryptocurrency but the information that proves ownership and the digital keys (information) needed to enable your interaction with the blockchain holding the cryptocurrency.

Understanding Cryptocurrency Transactions

A cryptocurrency transaction relies on that blockchain technology, which offers a highly secure, transparent, and tamper-proof method of recording transactions across a global network of decentralized computers. The steps detailed above explain how to purchase cryptocurrency. The following (VERY simplified version) describes what happens behind the scenes when blockchain technology performs the purchase transaction.

● Transaction creation: When you place an order to buy (or sell) a cryptocurrency, you are requesting to transfer ownership of a certain amount of cryptocurrency. This transaction includes the sender’s details, the recipient’s wallet address, and the amount to be sent.

● Miner Verification: Your new transaction is pooled with other as-yet unconfirmed transactions to form a block of transactions selected by “miners” for processing. A miner registers the transaction on the blockchain using specialized hardware – ASICs, or Application-Specific Integrated Circuits – designed to mine one and only one type of cryptocurrency. The miner uses the ASIC to solve a unique cryptographic puzzle created by a mathematical algorithm based, in part, on the unique transactions included in the block.

Because miners are rewarded for solving the puzzle with a certain amount of the underlying cryptocurrency, they compete to find a solution. When a miner solves the puzzle, the block of transactions is added to the blockchain as a permanent, unalterable verification of those transactions. The transfer of ownership from seller to buyer is now complete.

Cryptocurrency Mining and Environmental Impact

This description of cryptocurrency mining is extremely basic – the nuances and complexities of the actual mining would just boggle the mind of any cryptocurrency novice. However, you can think of the extensive data-processing centers necessary to run blockchain processes as a type of physical cryptocurrency mines.

Blockchain processes require large amounts of electricity for the computers to solve complex mathematical puzzles needed for blockchain functionality. Additional electricity is also necessary to keep the computers cool. As a result, these cryptocurrency mines are built in areas with low electricity rates and places where less air conditioning is required. However, just as most types of physical mining have a negative impact on the environment, the impact of such digital mining operations on the environment is also a concern.

Conclusion: The Future of Mining and Technology

Today, there are cryptocurrency “mines,” or data processing centers, across Mexico, even as Mexico continues the centuries-old tradition of mining metals from the earth – it’s the world’s top producer of silver, and mines significant quantities of gold, copper, and zinc (see articles on mining elsewhere in this issue). Creating wealth by extracting physical minerals seems fundamentally “normal” when it comes to mining, whereas the wealth created by solving advanced equations of cryptographic puzzles doesn’t line up with our concept of mining at all.

And yet, technology is rapidly changing everything, including our concepts. New technologies like blockchain are innovative and capable of transforming entire industries beyond finance; they have already transformed healthcare, real estate, and how supply chains operate. The nature of blockchain technology ensures that once information is entered, it cannot be altered. This offers a technological platform for benefits far beyond the realm of currency exchange.

For contact and comment, email: box95Jackson@gmail.com.

Stumbling Steps Towards Huatulco’s Pedestrian Corridor

By Randy Jackson

Two years ago, in an article titled The Saga of Quinta Avenida (5th Avenue), I reported on the decades-long, start-and-stop development of the pedestrian walkway connecting Santa Cruz and La Crucecita. This corridor, signed as Andador Peatonal (Pedestrian Walkway), started as a project under the presidency of Felipe Calderón (2006-12) through the tourism development agency FONATUR (Fondo Nacional de Fomento Turismo). Since that time, some buildings have appeared along the walkway, although none have been completed, as uncertainties have stalled or slowed investments.

Comparison with Other FONATUR Projects
Pedestrian tourist corridors are a standard feature of FONATUR’s other resorts, and exist in Cancun (Playa del Carmen) and Ixtapa. They are all named 5th Avenue after the famous shopping street in New York City. However, starting right out of the development gate, Huatulco’s 5th Avenue faced one challenge the other resorts did not: Huatulco’s walkway climbs a significant hill. Yet in 2020, after FONATUR reconfigured the sizes of the lots, private developers (and likely some are speculators) stepped up to purchase all twenty-four lots available for sale, possibly buying into the notion “If you build it, they will come,” made popular by the 1989 film, Field of Dreams.

Recent Developments and Challenges
That notion may eventually apply to Huatulco’s pedestrian corridor. As of mid-February of this year, there were seven buildings, two of which appear nearly complete. One of these buildings has multiple retail locations with full glass storefronts; the other is a condominium near the sports complex. When sold, the lots had a covenant requiring the owners to complete their development by December 31, 2025, or face financial penalties. Some owners will undoubtedly exceed this period as most lots show no sign of construction.

Parking and Accessibility Issues
The corridor’s development calls for a mix of residential and retail properties, with 30% of the lots intended for hotels. When the corridor is fully developed, it could attract hundreds of daily guests and visitors, raising the question: What about parking? Parking areas have been allocated for each end of the corridor. On the Santa Cruz end, a 7,132 square-meter (almost 77,000 square feet) parking lot will parallel Santa Cruz Boulevard, next to the Pedestrian Corridor entrance. On the La Crucecita end, two separate lots stretching along the road behind the Naval hospital will total 4,927 square meters (over 50,000 square feet). This could allow approximately 150 to 175 parking slots on each end (using an AI model for the calculation). The parking areas are owned and managed by the corridor lot owners’ association, which is also responsible for ensuring security and maintaining the corridor. As of mid-February, no work has been done on the designated lots for parking.

The Present and Future of the Pedestrian Corridor
The pedestrian corridor stretches about 600 meters (about 660 yards) from end to end. It comprises a walking area on both sides of a single-lane service road. On foot, this traffic-free route is about one kilometre shorter than following the roads between Santa Cruz and La Crucecita. Many people now use this shortcut daily. And where pedestrians go, motorcycles can, regardless of the signs prohibiting motor vehicles. Unfortunately, the corridor has already been the scene of one motorcycle fatality.

Financial Viability and Investor Confidence
The surge in development along the corridor that began in 2022 has since stalled, leading to a financial dilemma for investors. For a pedestrian corridor to thrive, sufficient businesses must operate to draw customers. If the number of open businesses falls below this threshold, the financial viability of new stores, restaurants, and accommodations can be precarious until sufficient foot traffic exists. Furthermore, the earliest developments to open may face additional challenges from construction activity needed for subsequent projects, which can reduce pedestrian traffic. This would have been the rationale for having the time limit covenant for the purchasers of the lots. But that didn’t work.

Speculation on Future Developments
One can also speculate on another factor dampening investor ardour: uncertainty. FONATUR is leaving the future development of Huatulco to the State of Oaxaca, while infrastructure improvements are badly needed. Furthermore, two significant tourist assets, the golf course in Tangolunda and the convention center in Chahue, are mired in legal and political muck. How Huatulco’s 5th Avenue will fare in that context is far from certain.

Conclusion
The development of the pedestrian corridor thus languishes. Although many people appreciate the pedestrian route connecting Santa Cruz with La Crucecita, they will have to wait longer for businesses (and hopefully more illumination at night) to line the walkway.

For contact and comment, email: box95jackson@gmail.com

From Sea to Market: The Fishing Industry in Huatulco

By Randy Jackson

There is one foundational pillar of the economic prosperity of the Huatulco area on which everything rests: the sea. Its beauty, vastness, and potential for recreation are the central reasons for virtually all development here. Yet beneath its glittering surface, the sea is a living, breathing ecosystem – a source of sustenance, inspiration, and balance that has shaped the lives and cultures of people here for millennia. Among its many gifts, the fishing industry stands as both a testament to the sea’s generosity and a reminder of the delicate relationship between human activity and the natural world. A kind of reverence for the sea lies in seeking a deeper understanding of its ecosystem. To that end, I offer some information about the local features of this portion of the Pacific and the fishing industry that depends upon it.

Local Ocean Features

The continental shelf off the coast of Huatulco is relatively narrow, especially when compared to the much broader fishing grounds found further north. It extends about 5 to 10 nautical miles (9 to 18 kilometers) from the shore, whereas the shelf near Mazatlán can stretch as far as 80 to 100 kilometers. The steep drop-off at the edge of the shelf facilitates “upwelling,” a process where deeper, nutrient-rich waters rise to the surface, fostering abundant marine life. This abundance attracts larger fish, which feed on smaller species and create opportunities for local fishermen. The proximity of deep waters to the coast further benefits local fishermen, granting them easier access to rich fishing grounds.

Seasonal ocean currents significantly influence fishing near Huatulco. The Costa Rica Coastal Current, most active from November to May, brings nutrient-rich waters that enhance fish abundance during fishing seasons. In contrast, the North Equatorial Countercurrent introduces warmer, nutrient-poor waters from June to October, shifting species availability and fishing patterns. Other currents, while less direct, can also impact local conditions. Additionally, large-scale climate phenomena like El Niño, which warms ocean waters, and La Niña, which cools them, further amplify variability, adding unpredictability to fishing conditions for local fishermen.

Puerto Ángel is the primary fishing port in the region. Located approximately 60 km (37 miles) west of Huatulco, it lies near the western boundary of the Gulf of Tehuantepec. This area marks a transition between the open Pacific coast of Oaxaca and the waters of the Gulf of Tehuantepec. The convergence of these two ocean ecosystems fosters rich biodiversity and supports highly productive fishing grounds.

Fishing Regulations

Mexico’s fishing industry is federally regulated. CONAPESCA (Comisión Nacional de Acuacultura y Pesca) is the agency responsible for licensing, regulating, monitoring, and promoting aquaculture and the fishing industry. Overall, there are two general categories of fishing licenses: large and small vessels. Small vessels (less than 10 meters) dominate the local fishing industry near Huatulco. Although there are regulations that cover the smaller boats, there is virtually no enforcement of any regulations for these vessels on the Oaxacan Coast. CONAPESCA has one inspector to cover the contiguous coasts of Guerrero, Oaxaca, and Chiapas, a shoreline of about 1,400 kilometers. There is closer monitoring of the larger fishing vessels. However, only a small number of these vessels operate in Oaxacan waters, primarily commercial shrimp and shark boats operating out of Salina Cruz.

I could not determine the number of small fishing vessels operating in the Huatulco area. CONAPESCA reported 2,097 licensed smaller boats on the Oaxacan coast in 2023. However, there are significant numbers of unlicensed vessels, and subsistence fishing is allowed without a license. It is safe to say that most smaller vessels (pangas) fishing off the coast of Huatulco and more broadly in Oaxaca are not licensed and do not report their catch.

The Huatulco Fish Market

There is no central market for fish in Huatulco. Instead, small independent fishermen from various locations along the coast sell their catch directly or through intermediaries. Local buyers include small stores that sell both local and imported fish and seafood, as well as a variety of restaurants. While some stores and restaurants maintain direct relationships with individual fishermen, most transactions involve middlemen. These intermediaries are sometimes referred to as “coyotes,” a term that can carry a derogatory connotation but often does not reflect the services they provide. Middlemen act as ready cash buyers for fishermen. They also represent reliable suppliers for buyers by working with a diverse network of fishermen. Additionally, they sometimes offer loans to fishermen and credit to buyers, thus playing an important role in the local fishing economy.

The people selling fish from coolers along the street in La Crucecita are usually not fishermen. Like local street sellers of many things, these vendors are trying to make a living by buying fish from middlemen and reselling for a profit. This shouldn’t dissuade anyone from buying from these vendors as it supports their livelihood and can be a convenient way to buy fish and seafood.

Current Fishing Conditions

With the plethora of oceanic variables, it is difficult to determine why fishing in the Huatulco area is poor this year. The water, for whatever reason, is warmer, not favoring a productive fishery, particularly for dorado (mahi mahi) and tuna. Fishermen have been forced to go much farther from shore to try their luck, up to 20 – 30 kilometers, making fishing more expensive, time-consuming, and risky.

Sustainability Efforts

Despite the challenges of overfishing and lack of enforcement facing the local fishing industry, some efforts are being made towards the sustainability of the fishery. In some cases, a group of local fishermen have initiated actions to move from net to hook fishing and for fishermen to agree to restrict the catch of some species to a specific calendar period. The region’s extraordinary marine biodiversity highlights the importance of such efforts. Huatulco’s waters are part of a migration route for humpback whales, sea turtles, and other species, offering a reminder of the interconnectedness and abundance of marine life. These seasonal migrations and the area’s rich ecosystems highlight the need to balance human activity with conservation to ensure the sea’s enduring abundance.

 

Huatulco after FONATUR

By Randy Jackson

In 2023, a milestone agreement was reached that would alter the development path of the federally planned tourism resort of Huatulco. This agreement transfers the assets, responsibilities, and obligations of the developer, FONATUR (Fondo Nacional de Fomento a Turismo), to the State of Oaxaca and the municipality of Santa María Huatulco.

Huatulco was conceived, built, and financed by the federally run tourism development organization known as FONATUR, responsible for Mexico’s nationally developed resorts known as CIPs – Centros Integralmente Planeado, or fully-planned [tourism] centers, the first of which was Cancún in 1974. Prior to development, the Huatulco area was a pristine collection of bays and isolated fishing villages without road connections. Since 1984, FONATUR has developed, maintained, and operated Huatulco through the administrations of several different presidents. Under the recent presidency of Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO), in a bid to decentralize tourism management in Mexico, the entire resort of Huatulco, along with the Mazatlán Marina, Los Cabos, Ixtapa, and parts of Cancún and Cozumel, were all slated to be transferred from FONATUR to state and local authorities. For Huatulco, this transition has begun.

In this article, I outline what we know about Huatulco’s FONATUR transition, its implications, and some of its current challenges.

The Transfer Agreements

1) Convenio General de Colaboración (General Collaboration Agreement), dated May 30, 2023. The agreement states that FONATUR transfers public services and infrastructure management in Huatulco’s CIP to the state government, including roads, water systems, lighting, and waste management. FONATUR will donate related assets and collaborate with the state of Oaxaca during the transition.

2) An agreement dated December 29, 2023, effective January 1, 2024. This agreement formalizes the transfer of infrastructure and public service management in the Huatulco CIP from FONATUR to the state of Oaxaca and the municipality of Santa María Huatulco. It includes transferring assets like water systems, waste management facilities, roads, green spaces, and financial support of $143.8 million MXN ($7.2 million USD) in 2024 to ensure seamless operations.

3) A modification agreement, dated January 4, 2024, amends the above agreement to designate FIDELO (Fideicomiso para el Desarrollo Logístico del Estado de Oaxaca, or the Trust for the Logistical Development of the State of Oaxaca), a state-run entity, as the primary entity to manage the transferred assets and oversee services like water supply, sanitation, and waste management.

The transfer agreements also state that FONATUR remains the legal title holder of the properties until all legal and administrative approvals are secured. It also states that FIDELO is to provide quarterly and annual reports to FONATUR detailing the operation and maintenance of the transferred infrastructure and services. These reports are to include financial statements, operational metrics, and compliance with established service standards. These reports have not been made public.

Enter FIDELO

FIDELO is a parastatal entity (a public corporation) created by the state of Oaxaca on February 15, 1997. Its main objective is to position the state as a competitive region for developing various productive sectors through the promotion and execution of logistics, social, commercial, and tourism projects. Among the functions of FIDELO are to:

· carry out infrastructure and urbanization works
· obtain credits and grant guarantees for financing
· enter into agreements with public and private entities to promote the state’s economic development

FIDELO has been involved in various projects in Oaxaca, notably revitalizing the Parque Industrial y Maquilador (Industrial and Manufacturing Park) in Magdalena Apasco, Etla (outside Oaxaca City). However, public information on FIDELO’s other projects is limited.

FIDELO has now assumed the public services and infrastructure management previously performed by FONATUR in Huatulco. This includes the water and wastewater systems, parks and boulevard maintenance, solid waste collection, landfill operations, infrastructure maintenance, and all areas of administration required for such services. FIDELO has appointed Lorenzo Lavariega Arista, a former president of the municipio of Santa María Huatulco, as Director of Tourism Center Development. He has an office in Huatulco.

When FIDELO assumed its current Huatulco obligations from FONATUR, it incorporated all the FONATUR staff who provided the transferred services. There followed a staff reduction of about 25%. Lavariega has said he expects the staffing level to increase as the budget allows. Both state and federal 2025 budgets are expected to be approved before the end of December 2024.

Transfer Implications for Huatulco

Transferring the Huatulco CIP from federal to local management has sparked significant concerns for residents and visitors. Oaxaca, the second poorest state in Mexico, may struggle to manage the project’s financial and operational demands. This is particularly alarming given the current inadequacies in critical infrastructure, such as potable water and sewage treatment, which are insufficient to meet existing needs. Urgent upgrades and maintenance are required to ensure sustainability and support future growth.

Additionally, FONATUR had outlined a vision for Huatulco’s future development. However, with its departure, the long-term strategy and prospects for Huatulco’s growth under state and local administration remain unclear beyond the immediate transition of services. While FONATUR has relinquished operational responsibilities, it retains a significant presence as the owner and marketer of undeveloped properties in Huatulco.

FONATUR’s underfunding of Huatulco in recent years has significantly contributed to the current challenges in critical infrastructure, leaving the state of Oaxaca, with at least some federal funding, to prioritize much-needed upgrades. Despite these pressing issues, the transition of operational control from FONATUR to the state of Oaxaca began over a year ago, but the state has not announced a comprehensive plan or future vision for Huatulco.

According to Director Lavariega, Huatulco is of great importance to the state of Oaxaca as a key driver of tourism and economic development. There are no plans for the municipio of Santa María Huatulco to assume the obligations currently held by FIDELO following the transition. Looking ahead, Lavariega anticipates that CIP Huatulco’s needs will be prioritized and addressed depending on the allocation of federal and state resources.

The transition from FONATUR to state and local control marks a pivotal moment in Huatulco’s development, and its future remains uncertain. While FIDELO has taken over essential services and infrastructure management, significant challenges persist, particularly regarding the adequacy of funding for infrastructure to support the area’s growing needs.

With Huatulco positioned as an important driver of tourism and economic growth in Oaxaca, the coming months and years will reveal whether the state can rise to the occasion and deliver a sustainable vision for Huatulco’s future. As residents, businesses, and visitors await some news of the path forward, the story of Huatulco after FONATUR is far from finished—its next chapter has yet to be written.

For comments or contact, email: box95jackson@gmail.com.

Huatulco’s Water Supply Revisited: Is There Relief in Sight?

By Randy Jackson

In January 2023, I published an article in The Eye titled “Huatulco’s Water System: In Survival Mode?” It had become evident that Huatulco’s water supply and delivery infrastructure was already stretched to its limits, with frequent interruptions in service leaving residents without water for days. Since then, Huatulco’s population has continued to grow, alongside ongoing hotel, condo, and resort developments. With these changes, I set out to re-evaluate Huatulco’s current water situation. My goal has been to answer the following three questions: What is Huatulco’s water supply situation today? Has FONATUR stepped away from its role in managing Huatulco’s water supply? And are there any plans in place to expand Huatulco’s potable water availability?

What Is Huatulco’s Water Supply Situation Today?

Two years ago, the eight FONATUR wells near the Copalita River supplied up to 15 million liters of potable water daily. At the time, available data indicated that 78% of this water went to residents, hotels, and commercial use, while 22% was lost through leaks or allocated to irrigation. Since then, no updated water supply or demand reports have been published. However, two notable indications of what the water supply issue might be for Huatulco are in the public domain.

The first is a study by the Comisión Nacional del Agua (National Commission on Water, CONAGUA) titled Programa Hídrico, Regional 2021-2024, Región Hidrológico-Administrativa, Pacífico Sur. In this 80-page report covering the coastal region of Oaxaca, Huatulco’s water and sewage system was classified as having a “type 2 deficit.” This classification refers to situations in which, despite having sufficient natural water availability, the infrastructure or management practices are inadequate to meet the demand effectively.

Under the heading “Problems detected in the consultation evaluation process for the PHR 2021-2024,” the report identifies “issues such as misuse of domestic and business water resources and leaks in Huatulco’s already obsolete distribution network.” While no additional explanation is provided, numerous sources addressing Mexico’s water supply overall identify leakage as a critical problem, with rates averaging around 40% and ranging from 30% to 70%.

The second indication emerged in March 2023, with media reports covering a federal inspection of Huatulco’s water system conducted by the Federal Secretariat of Infrastructure, Communications, and Transportation (SICT). This inspection pointed to the need for substantial upgrades to the system. However, no specific plans for these upgrades have been published since, apart from the construction of a 108,000-liter storage tank, which is currently underway.

How Are Huatulco’s Wells Doing?

Since there are no published statistics on Huatulco’s current water supply, I revisited the well sites to speak with a well-site operator. The operator assured me that all eight wells were running normally. Operators record the flow rates of each well daily. This is a manual process; the data are recorded in a spiral-bound notebook. A random glance through the operator’s notebook suggested that production rates were close to 15 million liters per day—the same number I observed two years previously. However, this production rate is significantly higher than the reported water delivered to customers.

The information on water deliveries, obtained by a request filed under the transparency laws of the state of Oaxaca, shows that water deliveries to all types of users for the first nine months of 2024 came to 2,598,310 cubic meters, or 9,482,882 liters.

The last reported water sales data I could locate was for 2017, which showed a volume of 11,238,861 liters per day; this year’s sales are 84% of those in 2017, despite seven years of increasing population.

The well operator I spoke to suggested that many supply problems in the last two years were due to breaks in the pipes supplying water to Huatulco. Water supply varies considerably from day to day and seems to depend on the residential area. In Santa Cruz this past year, the supply was far more intermittent than in previous years. Anecdotal responses from a few residents in other sectors suggest a supply not much worse than previous years, but consistent days of good water pressure are rare.

During my visit to the well site, five water trucks were awaiting their turn to fill up. One truck driver told me that 50 potable water trucks served the greater Huatulco area. These private companies buy water from the system operator and resell it to areas and residences not connected to the Huatulco water system, or they are connected but have no supply from the pipes.

From the above, I conclude that although the well system seems to have maintained its production levels, Huatulco’s outdated infrastructure severely constrains water delivery to residents. Without substantial infrastructure upgrades to address leaks and increase storage, the water system will continue to fall short, especially during peak tourist seasons.

Has FONATUR Stepped Away from Managing Huatulco’s Water?

The short answer is yes. The entire water and sewage system is now under the responsibility of FIDELO – Fideicomiso para el Desarrollo Logístico del Estado de Oaxaca (Trust for the Logistics Development of the State of Oaxaca). FIDELO is like a public corporation. It was created on February 15, 1997. Its stated main objective is to position Oaxaca as a competitive region for developing various productive sectors through the promotion and execution of logistics, social, commercial, and tourism projects.

Emilio Rivera Moreno is the current Director General of FIDELO. He oversees the Huatulco operations as well as other responsibilities within the organization.

Are There Plans in Place to Expand the Availability of Potable Water in Huatulco?

The short answer is – not that I could find. Given the critical water shortages in Oaxaca City, Mexico City, and across Mexico, combined with limited funding for water infrastructure, it seems unlikely that Huatulco’s water needs will be seen as a priority. The CONAGUA report referenced above lists 119 municipalities in Oaxaca as having a Type 1 deficit, meaning water availability is below current demand, leading to overexploitation. Fortunately, this is not Huatulco’s current situation.

However, there is a glimmer of hope. Mexico’s new president, Claudia Sheinbaum, has pledged as part of her 100 campaign proposals to guarantee access to clean water through a National Water Plan. This includes revising the existing Water Law and allocating $110 million MXN ($5.4 million USD) from the Social Infrastructure Contribution Fund (FAIS) to support water projects in Mexico’s poorest municipalities.

The photo accompanying this article shows a mural painted on the outside wall of the sports complex in La Crucecita: Cuidemos el Agua – “Let’s take care of the water.”

For comments or contact, email: box95jackson@gmail.com.

A Beginner’s Guide to Tea

By Randy Jackson

For many years, I’ve been as addicted and habituated as anyone to coffee in this Western coffee culture. Recently, however, I’ve found myself drawn to the more gentle allure of tea over coffee’s bold kick. I began this transition without realizing just how deep and rich the world of tea truly is, steeped in centuries of tradition and boasting a great many varieties. So, for beginners to tea, I’ve formulated four key questions and their answers to provide a foundational understanding of the world’s most consumed beverage.

WHAT PLANT DOES TEA COME FROM?

All non-herbal teas come from the same plant, Camellia sinensis. The history of using the leaves from this plant to make tea dates back at least to the third century CE in China. The variety of teas from the plant arises from how the leaves are processed.

Green tea is made by steaming and drying the leaves. Green tea has a delicate flavor. It has about 37% as much caffeine as coffee.

Black Tea is the most popular type of tea, with the most familiar names for teas, such as Darjeeling, English Breakfast, and Chai. Black tea is made by fermenting the leaves (oxidization). Black tea has a robust, relatively strong flavor compared to other teas. A cup of black tea generally contains about 58% of the caffeine in a cup of coffee.

Oolong Tea is partially oxidized and has a less intense flavor than black tea. Its flavor is more complex than black or green tea. The caffeine level of Oolong tea is about 42% of that of coffee.

White Tea is made from naturally dried leaves, with no oxidization. White tea has a delicate flavor. The caffeine contained in white tea is about 26% of that of coffee.

Pu-erh Tea is made using a microbial fermentation process and aging. It generally has an earthy and rich flavor. The caffeine level of Pu-erh tea is about 53% of that of coffee.

Matcha is a powdered version of green tea. The tea plants are kept in the shade for three weeks prior to harvesting. It has a slightly grassy, vegetal taste. Matcha contains the most caffeine of all the teas, about 74% of the amount in coffee.

HOW DO TEA FLAVORS VARY?

In addition to the different flavors of the teas listed above, the flavor of tea is affected by where the tea plant is grown. Like wine, the climate, elevation, and soil produce a range of flavors in tea. For example, Darjeeling tea is often called the champagne of tea because the soil in the Darjeeling area of India produces a delicate and fruity tea.

Furthermore, there is a distinction between pure tea and flavored tea. Pure tea, as the name implies, is a tea that has not been blended with herbs or spices. For tea connoisseurs and enthusiasts, pure tea offers aromas and flavors that are particular to the type of tea, the area where it is grown, and the method of processing used. Not surprisingly, there are tea sommeliers or tea masters, a title earned by years of education, training, and experience.

The type of tea most casual tea drinkers consume is flavored tea, which includes all the most familiar varieties, such as English Breakfast, Earl Grey, and Chai. English Breakfast is unique among flavored teas as its flavor arises from blending certain black teas from different geographical locations rather than using additives. Earl Grey tea is primarily flavored with bergamot oil, an oil extracted from the bergamot orange peel, giving it a light citrus flavor. Earl Grey tea is mostly commonly made with black tea, but other types of tea, such as green tea, are also made into Earl Grey tea.

Chai tea is typically made from black tea, but other types of tea are also used. Its flavors come from spices such as cinnamon, cardamom, cloves, ginger, and black pepper.

For Canadian readers, the massively popular Red Rose Tea, like English Breakfast, blends certain black teas from different geographical sources.

Herbal teas, also known as tisanes, are made from various herbs, spices, flowers, fruits, and roots. They contain no caffeine. Chamomile, peppermint, ginger, hibiscus, and rooibos are the five most common herbal teas.

HOW IS TEA CONSUMED IN DIFFERENT COUNTRIES?

In the United Kingdom, drinking tea is a cultural touchstone. Tea leads all other beverages in terms of consumption. Black tea with milk is the most typical way tea is consumed in the UK.

In India, tea is also the most consumed beverage. Chai, made from black tea and typically brewed with milk, sugar, and spices, is the leading drink of choice.

China, like many other Asian countries, has a broad preference for various types of tea. Black, green, oolong and herbal teas are all popular, reflecting the region’s rich tea culture.

Another tea-drinking country is Argentina, where mate is the most popular beverage. Mate is made from the leaves of the yerba mate (mah-TAY) plant and is a type of herbal infusion rather than traditional tea.

On the flip side of tea’s popularity is Mexico, where tea doesn’t make the top five beverage list at all. After water, coffee is the most consumed beverage in Mexico, followed by soft drinks, agua frescas, and cerveza.

In the United States, particularly in the southern states, most tea consumed is iced tea. Iced tea can be made with any type of tea, but the most common is black tea. Beyond water, in terms of popularity, tea ranks third behind coffee and soft drinks.

According to the market data portal Statista, the top five tea-drinking countries in 2016 were Turkey, Ireland, the United Kingdom, Pakistan, and Iran. Canada was ranked 22, the United States was 36, and Mexico trailed at 56.

WHAT THE HECK IS BUBBLE TEA?

Until now, at least, my haphazard tea education has lacked any understanding of the cultural phenomenon of bubble tea. Silly me, I thought some sort of machine was used to blow air bubbles into a cup of tea.

But that’s not it. However, it does start with tea – green, black or oolong. The tea is cooled, and milk is added: whole, soy, condensed, or even coconut milk. Also added are tapioca pearls. These are small, chewy balls made from tapioca starch. The pearls are cooked until they reach a jelly-like consistency. This adds a texture to the drink. Despite common misconceptions, the “bubble” in bubble tea originally referred to the frothy foam created when the tea is shaken.

In the interest of research (and curiosity), we headed to a bubble tea place to try it. I chose dirty bubble tea, a drink made with cooled oolong tea, cold milk, brown sugar syrup, ice, and a handful of black tapioca balls. The drink required shaking to mix the layers. A large-diameter straw allowed the tapioca pearls to be slurped up as they sank to the bottom of the glass. The pearls were quite dense and chewy but without any real taste. I could detect the taste of tea in the drink mixture, but overall, it seemed like a beverage a long way from the centuries-old practice of sprinkling dried leaves into a cup of hot water and serving.

So, there you have it: from 3rd-century China, with monks sipping hot green tea in a monastery, to a trendy bubble tea shop in the foothills east of the Canadian Rockies, a beginner’s journey to the story and flavors of tea. I’m not that far yet in my tea journey, but I appreciate the words of a tea guru, James Norwood Pratt, who once wrote, “Tea is quiet and our thirst for tea is never far from our craving for beauty.”

For contact or comment, email box95jackson@gmail.com.

Aztec Nobility – The Descendants of Moctezuma

By Randy Jackson

At the time of the Spanish Conquest of Mexico, the Aztec civilization was highly stratified, with social classes ranging from nobility and merchants to commoners and enslaved people. The conquest devastated the Aztec civilization and social order through disease, warfare, and the imposition of Spanish rule. Yet, like the Aztecs, Spanish society was organized under a monarchy and a noble class. Intermarriages allowed some members of the Aztec nobility to integrate into the Spanish elite in what was then called New Spain. Today, several Mexican families can trace their lineage back to the ruling Aztec nobility at the time of the conquest. One notable lineage is that of the descendants of Moctezuma II, the Aztec ruler at the time of the arrival of the Spanish.

Moctezuma’s Captivity and the Aztec Rebellion

On November 8, 1519, Hernán Cortés entered Tenochtitlán, the capital of the Aztec Empire, with 400 Spanish soldiers and cavalry. The Spaniards were welcomed by the Aztec ruler, Moctezuma, in a display of pageantry, marking the historically momentous meeting of the two civilizations. However, the Spaniards quickly wore out their welcome. Within a week, Cortés had Moctezuma under a form of house arrest. Soon, the Aztec noble class began planning to rid themselves of the Spanish.

By June 1520, a full-blown Aztec uprising against the Spanish had erupted. On June 29, 1520, Moctezuma was killed, possibly by a rock thrown from within an Aztec mob. The next day, the uprising, known as “La Noche Triste” or “The Night of Sorrows,” drove the conquistadors out of the capital, forcing them to retreat to Tlaxcala with significant loss of life and almost all of their precious treasure. Among the surviving Spaniards in Tlaxcala were some of Moctezuma’s children, likely taken against their will.

Moctezuma’s Children

Polygamy was a common practice in Aztec society. Although less common in the lower classes, it was prevalent among the nobility, in part to strengthen alliances between families. For the Aztec leader, political alliances through marriage were essential for maintaining power. Moctezuma II had numerous wives and concubines and fathered many children. Historical sources vary on the exact number of his children, but they often cite around 19. Many of these children died during the tumult of the conquest and its aftermath. However, a few survived to continue the bloodline of Moctezuma. Although historical records for most surviving children are poor or nonexistent, there are better records for two children, one son and one daughter, whose stories provide a glimpse into the partial legacy of the Aztec emperor.

Tecuichpotzin / Doña Isabel Moctezuma

Tecuichpotzin, later known as Isabel Moctezuma, was the daughter of Moctezuma II and his principal wife, Teotlalco of Tlacopan, a city-state of the Aztec Empire. Born in 1509 or 1510, Tecuichpotzin was about ten years old when the Spaniards arrived in 1519. At this young age, she was already married to Atlixcatzin, the ruler of Tlatelolco, another city-state within the Aztec Empire. Atlixcatzin died in 1520. Following his death, she was quickly remarried to her uncle Cuitláhuac, who became emperor after Moctezuma II’s death. Cuitláhuac, however, succumbed to smallpox only 80 days later. She was then married to the next emperor, Cuauhtémoc, whom Cortés had executed when the Conquistadors returned to defeat the Aztecs of Tenochtitlán in 1521.

By 1526, at the age of 17, Tecuichpotzin was converted to Christianity and baptized. Henceforth she was known by her Spanish and Christian name, Isabel. Cortés then had Isabel married for the fourth time to Alonso de Grado, a close colleague. With this marriage came a grant of a large encomienda (land and slaves), the largest encomienda in the Valley of Mexico. Within about a year of this marriage, Alonso de Grado died. Cortés took Isabel into his household, and she became pregnant with Cortés’s daughter. Cortés had the child raised separately, and Isabel was married to another of Cortés’s colleagues, Pedro Gallego de Andrade. Together, Isabel and Pedro had a son in 1530; shortly after, Pedro Gallego died. In 1532, Isabel was married for the sixth (and last) time to Juan Cano de Saavedra. Together, they had five children.

In 1550 or 1551, Isabel died at the age of about 42. The children of Doña Isabel Moctezuma became prominent members of Mexican and Spanish societies, and her lineage continues to have a flourishing presence in both countries today.

Tlacahuepan / Don Pedro Moctezuma

Tlacahuepan, later known as Pedro Moctezuma, was born in 1520 or 1521, at the time of the Spanish conquest of the Aztec capital of Tenochtitlan. He was born to Moctezuma’s wife Miahuaxchotzin, the Empress of Tula’s city-state, the Toltec Empire’s ancient capital. Sometime before the Spanish siege and final conquest of the Aztec capital, Pedro and his mother relocated back to her home city of Tula. Although Pedro was too young to have witnessed the fighting and collapse of his father’s empire, for the majority of his adult life, he was involved in fighting in Spanish courts to prove his entitlement as a son of Moctezuma.

In 1522, the King of Spain appointed Hernán Cortés as governor and captain general of New Spain. Although Cortés was instructed to limit the granting of encomiendas and respect the indigenous people’s land rights, he largely ignored these directives. Cortés argued that granting encomiendas was essential for civilizing the territory and rewarding the loyalty of his followers. Additionally, he used the system to incorporate the Aztec ruling class into the emerging colonial administration. One notable encomienda was granted in Tula to Don Pedro Moctezuma.

In 1528, Hernán Cortés returned to Spain to appeal directly to King Charles I regarding conflicts with various colonial authorities and to defend himself against accusations of abuse of power and inappropriate granting of lands. In the 1530s, Spanish courts revoked Don Pedro’s encomienda, converting it to Royal Crown property. Don Pedro subsequently spent his life embroiled in legal battles in Spanish courts over his noble entitlements as a son of Moctezuma.

Don Pedro Moctezuma traveled to Spain to appeal directly to the King. In 1539, he was granted a coat of arms in recognition of his status as the son of Moctezuma II. Later, he was also granted annual sums from the crown. Don Pedro Moctezuma died in 1570, still struggling with land entitlements. However, the Spanish Crown firmly recognized his noble lineage. His grandson, Pedro Tesifón Moctezuma, was granted the title of “Count of Moctezuma de Tultengo,” which was later upgraded to “Duke of Moctezuma de Tultengo” in 1865, a title that still exists today. Holders of this title have been prominently involved in Spanish society over the centuries. Although historical records vary regarding the number of children of Don Pedro Moctezuma, it is known that two prominent sons carried on the noble lineage in Spain and with descendants also in Mexico.

Despite the collapse of the Aztec Empire and the challenges posed by colonial rule, Moctezuma’s noble lineage managed to endure and integrate into the new societal structure and carry on over the centuries. Through strategic marriages and legal battles, Moctezuma’s descendants preserved their noble status and secured recognition from the Spanish crown. The Spanish noble titles and the prominence of some of the descendants of families in Mexico testify to the legacy of Moctezuma II.

For contact or comment: box95jackson@gmail.com.

The Power of Migration and Remittances

By Randy Jackson

During my time in Huatulco this winter season, I met a few migrants passing through on their way northward. My encounters and brief conversations were always pleasant and often left me thinking about them long after our meetings, hoping things would go well for them. Meeting and talking to someone who is a migrant establishes a human connection that immediately belittles ideas of national boundaries and immigration policy. The migrants I spoke to (all happened to be from Venezuela) may have been seeking refuge from conflict and hardships or possibly chasing dreams of opportunity and prosperity. Yet, regardless of their motivations, they will undoubtedly face years of difficulty, often as unwanted outsiders. Most will endure economic challenges yet send some earnings back home to loved ones mired in poverty. It is this collective action of migrants helping their families back home that gives rise to the economic phenomenon of remittances, possibly the world’s most effective poverty reduction program.

Remittances

Remittances are a well-studied economic phenomenon, and no wonder. In 2023, global remittances amounted to $860 Billion (USD). This total was almost entirely transferred in amounts of $200 or less via online transfer services such as Western Union. These digital transactions provide a wealth of information about the sources and destinations of these funds. Remittances support about 800 million people worldwide. Remittances generally go to the poorest people in the world’s poorest areas. World Bank studies have shown that most remittances go to purchasing food and education. Globally, remittances total three times more than combined government expenditures on development aid by rich countries.

Over 70 countries worldwide rely on remittances for at least 4% of their GDP, and Mexico is one of them. In 2023, Mexico received $63 billion (USD) in remittances, amounting to 4.5% of its GDP. By comparison, the Mexican oil and gas sector contributed 1.3% to the GDP. Of the remittances received in Mexico, 96% come from the United States, mainly from California and Texas. Of the $63 billion received in Mexico, $3.2 billion was received in Oaxaca, more than 10% of the state government’s total annual expenditures.

It’s worth noting that remittances sent by migrants don’t always originate from individuals residing in a country illegally. In 2022, National Public Radio (NPR) reported on one indigenous community in the state of Michoacán that survives entirely on remittances. The town of Comachuén, with a Purepecha population of 10,000, previously relied heavily on woodworking and textiles for its economic stability. However, as pine forests declined, this source of income experienced a significant decline over the preceding decade. This caused hundreds of young men from Comachuén to get temporary work visas in the USA, most of them working in upstate New York, often on the same farms year after year. Remittances from these agricultural workers support their families, enabling them to keep their traditional businesses of woodworking and textiles running. Remittances have also paid for the community church and bull ring.

As the example of the young men from Comachuén demonstrates, remittances benefit both the sending and receiving counties, whether from legal or illegal migration. There are millions of jobs in the US for which there are no available US workers. Agriculture is the most obvious example, as is also true in Canada. A great many crops could not be harvested without migrant workers. In September of 2023, there were 9.5 million non-farm job openings in the US, and even with three million illegal migrants entering the US in 2023, the unemployment rate in the country is one of the lowest in the world. Not enough temporary work visas are available in different sectors of the US economy to meet the demand. According to a 2023 report by the CATO Institute, migrant wage gains are between 4 and 10 times the pay level available in Latin America and the Caribbean. It is little wonder illegal immigration is at record highs. Migrants are often used as a xenophobic political football when in fact they are responding to a fundamental tenet of capitalism, the allowance of mobility to meet the demand for labour.

Who Else Benefits?

The amount of money represented by remittances is large enough that it doesn’t go unnoticed. Bankers, for one, drool at the possible commission on remittance transfers. The average commission paid on electronic remittance transfers is 6%. Mexico’s $63 billion would amount to about $3 billion annually. Immigrants, however, don’t use the banking industry very often, preferring other transfer services. When banks offer the transfer service, it includes the grind of their bureaucratic machinery, which speaks to their lack of popularity and even distrust by the immigrant senders.

Technology companies are another group of profiteers who seek to capitalize on what they herald as the “untapped market for financial transactions.” In January of this year, the Brazilian digital bank – Nubank – announced its largest operation outside of Brazil, in Mexico. It plans to partner with Félix Pago, an online remittance service based on WhatsApp, to enable Felix’s 5.5 million Mexican customers to receive money transfers from the United States.

As beneficial as migrants or remittances are to both the sending and receiving countries, it should come as no surprise that bad actors are taking advantage of migrants in the most disturbing ways, and organized crime is using the remittance system to skirt money-laundering laws. Numerous news articles address the issue of Mexican narco-traffickers using the cover of remittances to repatriate funds to Mexico. Reuters reported in an August 2023 article that one individual was convicted in the US of money laundering by sending thousands of small transfers amounting to $25 million USD to fake recipients in Mexico over several years. The article also reports that the average (legitimate) remittance transfer to Mexico was $390 US in 2022. The typical size of remittances makes any large transfer stand out in the controls and monitoring of remittances, yet few stones are left unturned by enterprising criminals.

A Failed Government Effort?

The Mexican government recognizes the efficacy of remittances in aiding the country’s poorest communities. To this end, they have instituted a program titled 3 X 1. This program seeks to match $3 to a community project for each $1 contributed by Mexicans living abroad. This targets not the individual or family remittances, which is the overwhelming majority of the total remittances, but a different subset known as collective remittances. These are remittances sent by migrant associations in the United States, which collect and remit funds to specific communities in Mexico.

However, a 2014 study of this program by the Latin American Research Centre at the University of Calgary concluded that there was little uptake. Of the two communities studied that received collective remittances for specific community projects, no government money was ever received. Migrants were once again on their own.

As witnessed this past winter in Huatulco, the stories of migrants, their aspirations, and their challenges highlight the human element beyond political debates on immigration policies. Even with the need for immigration in wealthy countries coupled with the effective poverty reduction worldwide that remittances provide, it doesn’t mean we won’t screw it all up. For now, I just hope those Venezuelans I spoke to and their little kids curiously looking up at me will all make it safely to their northern destination.

Navigating Progress: A New Highway to the Coast of Oaxaca

By Randy Jackson

On February 4, 2024, the inauguration of an essential transportation artery for the Oaxaca Coast, including Huatulco, marked a significant milestone in the development of the coast of Oaxaca. La Autopista Barranca Larga-Ventanilla is a toll highway, linking Oaxaca City to the coastal road near Puerto Escondido, approximately 100 kilometers (60 miles) from Huatulco. This highway is expected to reduce travel time from Huatulco to Oaxaca City by approximately four hours and it will integrate the Oaxaca Coast into Mexico’s toll road system.

The construction of this highway over the course of 20 years has faced many challenges. The project was initiated under President Ernesto Zedillo in 1999. However, construction progress experienced numerous interruptions across subsequent presidential terms, spanning administrations from Vicente Fox to Felipe Calderón and Peña Nieto, before its inauguration by the current President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO). on February 4th.

The road isn’t quite finished, but it is in use. One taxi driver I spoke to drove the route the day before inauguration, and the trip to Oaxaca City took 5 hours from Huatulco. The highway is very similar to the road between the airport and Huatulco, two lanes with wide shoulders. It is a toll road but the government has announced it would be toll free for the first year. Some of the final work on the highway includes construction of the toll booths and highway connections to communities along its route.

The Use of Roadblocks

Amid the bevy of news reports announcing the inauguration of this highway were reports of two illegal blockades within 24 hours of the highway opening. One was set up by some members of the municipality of San Jerónimo Coatlán demanding an audit of their former administrator and current municipal president. Another blockade was by the municipality of San Pablo Coatlán, demanding payment for their lands and claiming they would charge a toll themselves.

Anyone familiar with driving on Oaxaca highways is aware of the issue of roadblocks. Highway blockades are an effective tool for municipalities in getting the attention of the state or federal authorities. The setting up of roadblocks within a day of the new highway’s inauguration serves as a troubling sign for users of this highway, although it should be noted that most Oaxacan roadblocks are typically short-term, allowing vehicles to pass through after a few hours. Some however, have been in place for much longer.

Roadblocks had been a major source of construction delays for this highway. Notably, one agrarian dispute between two communities which held up progress for over a year. This community dispute has resulted in up to 28 fatalities since 2008, according to Imparcial News. The expropriation of 13 kilometers of land for the new highway through these communities exacerbated tensions. The deployment of blockades to obstruct construction thrust this conflict into the limelight, capturing the attention of authorities and the wider Mexican public.

The Two Disputing Communities

Situated approximately 95 kilometers south of Oaxaca City, the two communities of Villa Sola de Vega (population 12,350) and San Vicente Coatlán (population 3,512) are both municipalities. In Mexico, municipalities represent the third tier of government, positioned below the Federal and State levels. Villa Sola de Vega spans an area of 680 square kilometers and encompasses 138 villages. San Vicente Coatlán covers an area of 105 square kilometers and includes 8 villages within its jurisdiction.

The communities’ dispute over the ownership of 19,600 hectares of land dates back to 1976. In 2006, The Tribunal Unitario Agrario 21 de Oaxaca (Unitary agrarian court of Oaxaca) ruled in favor of the municipality Villa Sola de Vega. San Vicente Coatlán disputed this, citing a presidential decree in 1754 allocating the land to them. This ruling by the agrarian court resulted in numerous acts of violence between the communities over the years, including the wounding of a state policeman in 2017.

Following AMLO’s election in 2018, he unveiled plans to prioritize the completion of the Barranca Larga-Ventanilla highway as part of his infrastructure agenda. In 2021, he personally visited these two communities, pledging to facilitate dialogue to address the conflict and expedite highway construction. However, by September 2022, the municipality of San Vicente Coatlán announced a blockade of the construction, citing perceived lack of progress toward resolution.

In January 2023, AMLO announced that his administration was in consultation with the two communities, and if a resolution could not be found within one month, an alternate highway route would be used avoiding the lands of these two municipalities altogether.

An agreement was made shortly thereafter and the construction of the highway was completed. The two communities each received 50% of the disputed lands and the Municipality of Villa Sola de Vega was to receive a gas station, a tourist inn, a communal property office, and a water and sewage treatment plant. This settlement demonstrates the effectiveness of blockades, and marks progress for these two communities.

The Road Beyond Inauguration

Although potential roadblocks and more construction delays may haunt this new highway for a time, the significance of this transportation infrastructure looks to be a game changer for Huatulco and the Oaxaca Coast. It promises economic benefits from more efficient transport of goods as well as more tourists, likely many more tourists. The increase in tourism is expected to bring more investments and jobs to Huatulco and the Oaxaca Coast.

New investments and jobs can be stymied, however, without further investments in service infrastructure, potable water and expanded sewage handling in particular. These services are at capacity in Huatulco, and exceeding capacities in Puerto Escondido. For nine years Puerto Escondido has been pumping raw sewage into the ocean, and their potable water system, like that of Huatulco, struggles to meet demand.

With the transition of Huatulco from FONATUR to the State of Oaxaca, any new service infrastructure will be the responsibility of the state. This may prove to be a test for the state government in their commitment to the development of the Oaxaca Coast. But for now at least, the road is open and Huatulqueños anxiously await future announcements of new service infrastructure to navigate further progress.

For contact or comment, email: box95jackson@gmail.com.