Those of us who love Mexican cinema but spend months away from Mexico have an excellent source for fulfilling our yen for Mexican film – namely, Netflix. The films available for streaming on Netflix come and go, and differ from country to country, but there are always ample choices. For primarily English speakers the subtitles available on Netflix offer an easier experience than seeing the movie in Mexico.
Some of the best known films that have won worldwide acclaim are 100% Mexican, including geographical location, direction, casting, Spanish language, and especially creative imagination. An excellent relatively recent example is the 2018 dramatic film Roma, directed by Alfonso Cuarón. Winning many international awards, Roma accurately depicts a well-known neighborhood of Mexico City in the 1970s.
Other Netflix films that we consider Mexican have Mexican directors who are internationally acclaimed but take place only partially in Mexico. One such film is the 2006 psychological thriller Babel, directed by Alejandro Gonzáles Iñarritu. In addition to Spanish, Babel includes seven other spoken languages, plus Japanese sign language. Two top-notch films, Pan’s Labyrinth (2006) and The Shape of Water (2017), can only be considered Mexican by virtue of their director, Guillermo del Toro. Del Toro’s films are literally fantastic, compelling, and so rooted in an imagination shaped by his childhood in Guadalajara that we would call them Mexican even though some might argue with that classification. On the other hand, the film Gravity (2013), although also directed by Alfonso Cuarón, seems more American than Mexican.
But enough about the blockbusters. The films that we have been most enjoying on Netflix are little, low-budget glimpses into solidly Mexican characters in recognizably Mexican locations. We both liked the 2023 film Familia, directed by Rodrigo García. Filmed in the Valle de Guadalupe in Ensenada, the action takes place in a single day in the home and olive grove of the patriarch of a three-generation dispersed family. We learn that the family gets together once a month for comida, but at this gathering everyone’s life is so suddenly changing that difficult decisions must be made. The characters are complex and charming, even when they become irritated with each other. Gradually, by listening to their conversations around the table, you realize the depth and substance of each family member and their relationships. By the end of the film, as most characters leave, you know you’re going to miss them.
Marcia liked Where the Tracks End (El Ultimo Vagon, 2023, directed by Ernesto Contreras), while Jan thought it was a snooze. The film predominantly takes place in an abandoned railroad car, fitted out as a schoolhouse. It is slow-moving but charmingly develops the relationship between a child of an itinerant railroad track layer and a teacher whose whole life is dedicated to educating some of the most impoverished children in Mexico. There are both tragic and comic moments, and the film unabashedly pulls at your heart strings. The ending provides a satisfying twist.
The film Tell Me When (Dime Cuando Tú, 2020, directed by Gerardo Gatica González) is a light, feel-good movie about a young man living in Los Angeles. His grandfather leaves him a list of experiences that the grandson is urged to complete in Mexico City. Most of the film takes place in iconic areas in CDMX and focuses on his determination to complete the list, including the last item (spoiler alert!) falling in love. But don’t expect a Hollywood ending: it’s a Mexican film after all.
There are plenty of Mexican films on Netflix to keep us happily watching for many years, but confining ourselves to Netflix would mean missing other Mexican treasures that are available on other streaming apps. Most notable are two films directed by John Huston. We first saw one of them in a cultural center in San Cristobal de las Casas, Chiapas– The Treasure of the Sierra Madre (1948, starring Humphrey Bogart). The second is The Night of the Iguana (1964, starring Richard Burton and Eva Gardner) which in Tennessee Williams’ version takes place in Acapulco but was actually filmed in Mismaloya near Puerto Vallarta (less well known at the time). But also definitely not to be missed is an early Cuarón international blockbuster Y Tu Mamá Tambien (2001). Y Tu is superficially about a road trip from Mexico City to coastal Oaxaca but also is a turn-of-this-century exploration of the concept that gender is not binary.
If you enjoy films as we do and enjoy a bit of Mexico when you’re away, just stream one of the movies we mentioned. Happy watching.
For the second year in a row, Jose Luis Bohorquez and his family hosted a Chapulín Tournament. The festivities started at 7 am on September, 22 at his ranch just south of Copalita where he has fields planted to attract chapulínes. It was a busy event. Participants had three hours to collect as many jumping creatures as they could. Many families wandered through the fields with bags for collecting the bugs.
Under a magnificent tree, there was food on the grill and sopes on the comal. Horse rides were available and live music played. In the evening the festivities moved to the cancha in Copalita with a calenda and more delicious offerings from local cooks.
Still not sure what I’m talking about? Chapulínes, or grasshoppers, are a popular snack in many regions of Mexico, especially Oaxaca. These edible insects have been enjoyed for centuries, valued for their rich source of protein, vitamins, and minerals. Typically, they are toasted with lime juice, garlic, and salt, and often seasoned with chile powder for a flavorful kick. Chapulínes are commonly eaten as a street food or as a crunchy topping for tacos, salsas, and guacamole. Their earthy, slightly tangy taste makes them a beloved delicacy, connecting Mexico’s culinary traditions with sustainability and the use of native ingredients in modern dishes.
The practice of harvesting chapulínes dates back to pre-Hispanic times in Mexico, where indigenous groups like the Zapotec and Mixtec considered these insects an essential part of their diet. Chapulínes were abundant in the fields during the rainy season, making them a reliable, sustainable protein source. Traditionally, they were collected by hand, often early in the morning when the grasshoppers were less active. After harvesting, they were toasted on clay comals and seasoned with local spices. This ancient tradition continues today, passed down through generations, reflecting the deep connection between the region’s agricultural practices and its culinary heritage.
As more and more people shop corporate it is encouraging that the Bohorquez family is highlighting the beauty of this tradition. Another great reason to be here in September!
The year is 1325. According to a myth, a nomadic tribe moved into an area previously occupied by several other tribes, with the intent to settle. As such, a King of the existing tribe offers his daughter’s hand in marriage to the incoming nomads.
The Nomads, the Sacrifice, and the Lake
The nomadic tribe receives the young woman and prepares her for marriage in accordance with their customs. Then five men lead her to the top of a stone cairn, where a slab of rock awaits. They lay her down and hold her, one man per limb. The fifth man lifts a piece of obsidian over his head and plunges it into her heart, reaching in and ripping it out with his bare hands. Later that night, at a presentation for the King, they wore her glistening skin as they performed a ceremonial dance.
Once the King realized what had been done, he was clearly angered. Legend has it that he ordered the nomads to be destroyed, a chase ensued, and the nomads plunged themselves to safety in Lake Tenochtitlan. On an island in that lake, the nomads saw a vision: an eagle perched on a cactus eating a snake. This was a sign to the nomadic tribe to settle there; they called themselves the Mexica.
The Nomads Settle Down and Build
The Mexica, later called the Aztecs, were forced to adapt to their new inherited island in the middle of a large saline lake surrounded by four other freshwater lakes. To settle this area, found by chance but validated by their deity, would require feats of engineering far ahead of the times.
The lake beds comprise extremely soft soils, incapable of supporting heavy structures such as houses, roads, buildings, bridges, or most importantly, temples. The Aztecs somehow figured out how to drive piles into the muck, which contained fill to provide support for building a temple. Now known as the Templo Mayor, it was the central focal point of the new settlement.
Causeways. Initially, the only access to the area was via water and canoes. The Aztecs then required access to the mainland, so they placed fill into the soft lake beds. The fill would settle out of sight into the soft substrate, the Aztecs drove an array wood piles into the fill, and created the basis for building roads. Because all the construction materials were placed by human hands, as the Aztecs had no animals to help with the tasks, they made every effort to reduce the materials requiring transport. Eventually, using the fill-and-piling method, they constructed five causeways to link the mainland to the Templo Mayor.
The settlement, called Tenochtitlan, was centralized around the Templo Mayor, and the Aztecs realized that the obstacle that they had to surmount was also the very thing that provided them security – the lake itself.
Chinampas. As the settlement grew, they realized that their food supply required security against hostile invading tribes and the Aztecs eventually perfected the use of chinampas (floating gardens) as a means of ensuring a stable large-scale cultivated food supply. The chinampas were made of interwoven reeds with stakes beneath the surface of the water, creating underwater fences. Atop these mats, they added lake sediment mixed with aquatic vegetation until the top layer was above the surface. This type of construction would ensure that the crops would always have a water supply, requiring minimal maintenance.
Drainage, Dikes, and Canals. The Mexica also developed a multipurpose drainage system, which comprised a ditch for the flow of water and sediment (which likely included human waste) that would in turn be used in the development of new chinampas. Because of the biological diversity of the introduced sediment and the use of lake-bed sediments, the bacterial community was diverse, thus supporting virtually every type of crop. With these raised, well-watered beds, the crop yields were very high, permitting up to seven harvests per year. In 2018, the United Nations designated the chinampa system of agriculture a Globally Important Heritage System; it should be noted that it is still in use today.
Construction in a low-lying land such as a lake bed also required advanced techniques to control flooding. An area with impermeable soils and no drainage required a method of ensuring that water levels in the area of habitation were maintained. Dikes, canals and causeways were built as a means of flood control, including a 16-km long dike that held back a portion of Lake Texcoco to prevent seasonal flooding. The Aztecs also built a series of canals through the city to drain the swamplands, and earthen causeways that also served as pedestrian walkways. A series of locks, gates, and sluiceways were built into the system a means of controlling water levels, an engineering feat far ahead of its time.
Aqueducts. Water, the sustenance of life, was also initially a challenge to the Aztec. The waters of the lake at the location were saline and not sustainable for long-term use for humans. The Aztecs found a series of springs on the mainland, and developed an aqueduct to transmit this water to the island city. Initially, water was brought in by canoe, which would have sharply limited the growth of the society.
An Expanding Empire. The aqueduct required negotiations with the adjacent tribe, who required that the Aztecs cede themselves to rule by the mainland tribe. As the Aztec society grew due to prosperous food supply and engineering, they conquered the governing tribe; the governed became the government. It is at this time that the Aztecs underwent a rapid expansion, conquering other tribes such as the Olmecs and Toltecs, and taking their people as workers, slaves, and sacrificial victims. These conquests allowed the Aztecs to preserve their society and expand their empire as far away as Guatemala and from the Gulf of Mexico to the Pacific Ocean.
Other systems developed by the Aztecs long before being colonized include the military draft (conscription), and a legal system with judges and trials. Using the cocoa bean as currency, their busiest days in the markets of Tenochtitlan drew some 50,000 people.
The Demise of the Aztecs
In 1521, Hernán Cortés arrived on the Yucatán peninsula and found his way to Veracruz. The indigenous population joined him on his march to the head state of the Aztec Empire. The Spanish were in awe of the progress that the Aztec society had made, which paralleled some of the advanced systems in Europe at the time. The floating gardens and the prominence of the Templo Mayor must have been a sight to the Spanish conquistadors.
Of course, the story of the Spanish and their rapid conquest is full of sadness; the destruction of Aztec society by the Spanish was accomplished through the introduction of disease, advanced weaponry comprising steel, and the use of horses for the height and mobility advantages. Those who are interested are encouraged to read Guns, Germs, and Steel: The Fates of Human Societies, by Jared Diamond (1999), for a better accounting of how colonizing European armies could so easily conquer the societies they met through exploration.
In a final death blow to the Aztecs empire, all the structures of Tenochtitlan were destroyed and the building materials were dumped into the lake to form the foundation for the new Spanish settlement, called Mexico. The causeways were converted into roadways (still in use today); the aqueducts were destroyed. The Templo Mayor was razed to the ground, and in an act of conquest, the new Spanish cathedral was built atop the old Templo Mayor. This was only discovered in 1978, as a dig for a utility in the area encountered remnants of the old structure. Today, the area is preserved as a tourist attraction in the zócalo in Mexico City, where it is possible to pass under the church and view the Templo Mayor. In less than 200 years, the advancement of the society of the Aztecs can only be described as profound and its demise as tragic.
Montezuma’s Revenge
There are many tales in folklore regarding Montezuma’s revenge; however, this is an obscure one that the old civilization has left behind.
Like many modern cities that are built on marine environments (think Jakarta, Venice, Amsterdam, New Orleans, Bangkok, Kolkata, Tokyo, and even Washington DC), Mexico City underwent an astounding period of growth in the early 20th century, building on its legacy as a capital founded by the Aztecs.
However, the construction on the lake bed has had a lasting impact on modern day Mexico City. The increased weight of the colonial settlement over time has resulted in compression of the soils, and the pumping of water from the subsurface has drawn down the water table. This in turn has reduced pore pressures in the underlying soils, thus increasing the rates of settlement.
It is said that there are places in Mexico City that are settling up to 500 cm per year. This has resulted in buckling of roads, bursting of utilities, and damaged buildings as walls topple and fail. Compounded with earthquakes, the destruction is multiplied; in 1985 the earthquake that struck Mexico City caused widespread devastation, associated in part with soil-structure interaction and poor building foundations. As of the writing of this article, there is no known solution to this long-term problem. The lake, or its remnants, continue to be dewatered as development continues, exacerbating the condition. It is said that in the last century, Mexico City has subsided some 33 feet.
Perhaps Montezuma’s revenge is more profound than modern society ever thought it could be.
The Aztecs, or as they called themselves, the Mexica, ardently embraced the style of cuisine that we currently call “farm to table.” When they first settled the area that has become Mexico City, the geography was ideal for protection from enemies – swampy land kept flooded by five lakes of brackish water – but was hardly suitable for long-term habitation, much less farming.
The Floating Islands of Mexica Agriculture
The ingenious settlers, as described in detail by Julie Etra in The Eye (February 2023), constructed aqueducts to bring fresh water into the area and rectangular gardening plots, called chinampas, in the lakes (see “The Venice of the West,” elsewhere in this issue). The materials from which the chinampas were constructed provided rich nutrients for growing crops, and the nutrients were replenished naturally by the algae growing in the surrounding water. While the Mexica nobility owned multiple chinampas that were farmed by their servants and captive slaves, the hoi polloi were also granted garden plots, reportedly distributed as one for each family.
Produce from the Chinampas. The primary crop planted on the chinampas was maize – many varieties of corn ranging from almost white to black with a rainbow of colors in between. After the ripe ears were harvested, the kernels were soaked in a home-made clay pot in an alkaline solution of local lime (not the fruit, but limestone, which is composed of organic fossils). The soaking softened the kernels and enriched them with health-enhancing minerals. This process, called nixtamalization, is still used in Mexico today. The corn was then thoroughly washed, dried and ground, always by women, on a grinding slab, or metate, using a stone pestle, or mano. As still happens today, the ground corn was used to make dough (masa) for tortillas or tamales. Corn smut, or huitlacoche, a fungus that grows between the kernels of corn, was harvested and used as a delicacy, as were other naturally occurring edible mushrooms.
Other crops grown on the chinampas were beans, pumpkins and other squash, and many varieties of chiles, including the precursor of the modern-day poblano. Amaranth and chia, both pseudo-grains (actually seeds) were part of the ordinary produce. Small sweet tomatoes were a common crop, as were herbs and spices that were cultivated from wild progenitors such as culantro – a pungent variety of cilantro – and others that are familiar today, including epazote, hoja santa, and annato bushes, which produced achiote. Spices were ground in a stone molcajete using another stone – implements resembling a mortar and pestle. Dishes could also be cooked and served in large molcajetes, and since the stone retains the flavors of spices, subsequent uses of the same implement instantly provided flavor to the dish being prepared.
Fish and Game. While maize prepared in different incarnations was the primary farm-to-family staple, the lakes provided tasty protein supplements. Fish and crustaceans were frequent dietary additions, and algae, especially the blue-green spirulina, were harvested from the water and shaped into nutrient-rich cakes and baked. Wild land animals also were caught and cooked – mainly in casseroles – including iguanas, gophers, salamanders, and the occasional deer that came to eat crops but instead were eaten.
Insects. Particular insects became favorites for adding crunch and flavor to foods. Grasshoppers, or chapulines, were a popular addition and another source of protein. Chicatanas, or flying ants that take to the air after the first spring rains and literally fall from the sky, may have been included as a treat, but their habitat is more closely allied to the Oaxaca area, where the Zapotecs lived, than to the Aztec territory. Prized for their taste and actually farmed in the local waters by the Mexica were the eggs of the water fly, or ahuautle. They are a seasonal treat and most abundant during the summer months; the Aztecs spread woven mats slightly under the water in areas where the flies were known to swarm, and thousands of the tiny golden eggs were deposited and then harvested. Since Montezuma himself was known by the Spanish invaders to have a hankering for this caviar, it became prestigious for a meal to include ahuautle.
Livestock. Animals that are commonly found on farms in Mexico today were not present until the Spanish settlers introduced them, so cattle, goats, and sheep were not on the Aztec menu. The Mexica did domesticate and cook some animals. Ducks and turkeys were additions to the menu primarily for the noble class. But dogs, especially breeds related to today’s chihuahuas, were easy to raise at home and provided a welcome addition to maize-based dishes.
How Did the Mexica Cook and Serve Their Food?
Most dishes were prepared by baking, steaming, and especially stewing in clay casseroles. The addition of ground chiles and salt was ubiquitous. Cooking implements did not include metal pans, nor did the Mexica fry foods in cooking oils. Likewise, there were no metal eating utensils. Tortillas served in baskets were used to scoop up food from a casserole shared among families. And although the cuisine was locally grown and prepared, tables were a European concept. People sat on mats for meals – except the nobility who enjoyed sitting on beautifully carved low benches – however this elevated seating was just for men. The nobility also had very beautiful bowls and pots decorated in multiple colors that can be seen in museums today.
The Spanish Conquest of Aztec Cuisine
The Spanish invasion brought dramatic changes to Aztec cuisine. In addition to introducing small-pox and other diseases that killed off a large proportion of the indigenous population, and large farm animals that no doubt raised the cholesterol in the Mexica diet to dangerously high levels, the Spanish settlers also introduced rice, garlic, cooking oils, and new spices including cinnamon and coriander, greatly altering the everyday cuisine in the Aztec territories.
The importance of their cuisine to the Mexica, especially food containing chiles and salt, can be noted by their frequent religious fasts followed by feasts. Eating was not considered merely a way to survive but a deeply spiritual practice. The consumption of human flesh, the flesh of fallen warriors of enemy tribes, was not, as the Spanish reported, a casual practice of cannibalism, but was bound to sacred rituals. The flesh could only be consumed after cooking by the family of the Mexica warrior who killed the enemy in battle and not by the Mexica warrior himself.
Unlike today, when farm to table cuisine is experienced as a novel way of enjoying a usually delicious albeit rather expensive meal, for the Mexica farm to table cuisine was part of their lives devoted to finding stability in a shifting world.
The Aztecs are one group of Mexico’s ancient indigenous peoples; although it is a diverse group, the different peoples are connected through use of some version of Nahuatl language. They called themselves the Mexica, arrived in what is now Mexico City in the 1300s, and were conquered by Hernán Cortés in 1521. In their short two centuries of rule, however, they established an empire that stretched from the Pacific Ocean to the Gulf of Mexico and had over 400 to 500 small states and 5 to 6 million people.
How Do We Know What We Know About the Aztecs?
Until recently, our knowledge of the Aztecs – not to mention the Maya, the Olmecs, the Zapotecs, the Mixtecs (there are more) – was based on “codices,” manuscript histories written by indigenous people at the request of the conquistadors. Friars who had learned the local native language then translated the manuscripts into Spanish, and they were shipped back to the European monarchs as reports on their colonies. The codices are useful resources, but they’re more than a bit iffy about “what came before.”
Recently historians and anthropologists have begun investigating earlier writings by ancient Mexicans. In a recent (2019) book, Fifth Sun: A New History of the Aztecs, Camilla Townsend from Rutgers University, notes that “the Native Americans were more intrigued by the Roman alphabet than the Spaniards ever knew. Unbeknownst to the newcomers, the Aztecs took it home and used it to write detailed histories in their own language.”
Until now, no one paid much attention to these sources, but there has been a major effort to integrate pre- and post-conquest documents to reach a better understanding of ancient Latin American civilizations. Townsend’s book – which makes the point that the Conquest was not “introductory or climactic,” but “pivotal” in the long story of Mexico – gives us a history, in their own words, of a people who lived complex, nuanced lives in a cultural context the Spanish barely attempted to understand.
In searching for a more accurate understanding of the Aztecs – were they bloodthirsty savages? Focused only on warfare? Superstitious and easily duped into surrender? – Townsend, among other historians, introduces new perspectives to understanding “these complex and often mischaracterized people.”
Gender and Sex, Polygamy and Politics
The big picture for Aztec sex is that it occurred primarily in marriage, although the upper classes practiced “polygyny,” the kind of polygamy where a man can have multiple wives; there was no such privilege for women. There was one “true” wife, presumably the first, and the others were sometimes called “weavers.” In Aztec culture, women were the weavers, textiles were very valuable, so having many weavers increased the man’s wealth – Moctezuma had hundreds of wives. Men could also keep concubines – women to whom they were not married.
Aztec historian Caroline Dodds Pennock of the University of Sheffield in the UK looked at “Gender and Aztec Life Cycles,” a chapter in The Oxford Handbook of the Aztecs (2017). She says our notion of Aztec life driven by “brutal warriors, glorious kings, and bloody priests” is a bit off: in reality, “women in Aztec culture were powerful and effective figures, possessing tangible rights and responsibility, and clearly recognized as indispensable to society’s collective success.” That is not to say that gender wasn’t prescribed in Aztec society – the model was “complementarity,” that is, men and women had different roles that complemented each other.
As she looks at pre-Conquest Aztec life via the role of women and gender, Townsend finds upper-class women played a political role in bringing altepetls (city states) into the empire through marriage; they exercised considerable influence during the Conquest on whether any given altepetl would side with or fight against the Spanish.
Both Dodds Pennock and Townsend used documents that focused on upper-class women. In The Flower and the Scorpion: Sexuality and Ritual in Early Nahua Culture (2011), history professor Pete Sigal of Duke University argues that the “sexual lives and imaginations” of the ordinary Aztecs included pleasure, seduction, and components of the rituals of fertility and warfare. Moreover, they resisted Spanish efforts to inculcate repressive Catholic attitudes towards sex for well over a century after the conquest.
The Specifics of Aztec Sexuality
When references to specific sexual practices come up, you might think the Aztecs were just waiting for the Catholic church to arrive and say, “Nope, that’s a no-no, not that!” There was a group of deities who ruled over sexuality, and they were much given to punishing those whose sexual behavior was outside the approved realm. A couple of these gods were associated with disease – think of STDs as a punishment for sex outside marriage.
Pre-marital sex. Punishable by death. Adult men and women not allowed to interact with each other outside of marriage. Both men and women were supposed to be virginal at marriage, but women were also required to pass a virginity test (i.e., presence of the hymen). For upper-class young men, though, this prohibition didn’t really apply – they often had small collections of concubines.
Adultery. Upper-class men, of course, couldn’t commit adultery because they were allowed multiple wives and concubines. Once adultery was claimed, a lower-class man might be beaten or have his head shaved, but a woman was sentenced to death, usually by stoning.
Homosexuality. Mentioned infrequently in contemporary documents, and was punishable by death. The gay man who took the active (penetrating) role was murdered by being impaled while his partner died when his intestines were extracted through his anus – a much harsher penalty, actually, since the “receiving” partner was perceived as being less “macho.” Lesbians were killed with a garrote.
There is a double-gendered god, Xochipilli as a male and Xochiquetzal as a female, who governs flowers, love, art, and fertility; Xochipilli is the patron/protector of homosexuality and male prostitutes. There have always been festivals to Xochipilli/Xochiquetzal, suggesting that the Aztecs might have had a “Don’t ask, don’t tell, don’t get caught or we’ll kill you” policy.
Sodomy (oral or anal sex). Even among heterosexual partners, punishable by hanging.
Masturbation. Forbidden – punished by rubbing hot pepper powder on the genitals.
Prostitution. Prostitution was alive and well in Aztec society. “Respectable” Aztec women wore their hair up; prostitutes let it loose. They were the only women allowed to wear perfume, jewelry, and makeup. Sometimes prostitutes and priestesses were one and the same; they rewarded young men who survived battle with their favors. Another ritualistic role was to pleasure those men who were on their way to being sacrificed.
When the Spaniards Arrived …
The conquistadors brought their sex-as-sin Catholic beliefs with them. Within two years, they had converted two men to the priesthood and within ten years, they had begun converting the upper classes to Christianity. They hoped Christianity at the top would “trickle down” to rest of society.
Christianity, of course, requires that a man have only one wife; the Spanish began to require monogamy, which created social chaos. The additional wives, not to mention the concubines, suddenly had no legal or social status. Basically, the Spanish enslaved them, many on the encomiendas they created to reward their conquering soldiers; the Spaniard who held the encomienda had the right to tribute, produced through labor, of all inhabitants in a particular area. The Spanish replaced women who had been paid to weave with men, destroying the men’s identity as warriors. The alliances that marriages had fostered, the wealth that had accumulated within allied city-states, resolved disputes between altepetls – all suddenly thrown into disarray. Starting with its stance on sex, Catholic law destroyed a culture.
Moreover, at the urging of Queen Isabella of Spain, the conquistadors intermarried with the native peoples (she called them “free vassals of the Spanish Crown”) at a great rate. This “marathon sexual activity” on the part of the Spanish began to destroy indigeneity. By January 1, 1821, when Mexico won its independence from Spain, only half the population of Mexico was indigenous; 20% was mestizo. In the 2015 census conducted by INEGI (National Institute of Statistics and Geography), only 23% of Mexicans said they were indigenous or of indigenous descent.
Triple Alliance
Before addressing the subject of this article, the Pochteca, some background information about the Mexica Empire helps explain the setting within which this particular social class existed. Commonly known as the Aztec Empire, a sort of misnomer, the Empire was governed by the Triple Alliance (Alliance) from 1428-1521. On August 13, 1521, it fell to the conquering Spaniards, accompanied by the indigenous enemies of the Alliance. The Alliance was a military, political, and social agreement among three city-states who shared lands in the Basin of Mexico and joined forces for their mutual benefit. The city-states consisted of Tenochtitlan, now known as Mexico City, which was settled by the Mexica/Aztec; Texcoco, home of the Acolhua tribe who settled in the Valley 100 years before the Mexica; and Tlacopan, where the Tepaneca preceded the Acolhua by about a century. The three tribes shared the same Nahua language and a number of customs. The Alliance replaced the previously dominant Tepaneca.
Social Classes of the Empire
Within this empire/alliance existed a highly structured class system with eight more or less distinct classes. At the top was the sovereign ruler or Emperor, called the Tlatoani, (for example the last Tlatoani ruler prior to the Spanish conquest was Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin aka Moctezuma II). The word is derived from the nahuatl verb tlahtoa, which means “to speak”, The Tlatoani was followed by the nobility, warrior class (guerreros) the high priests and priestesses, the middle class (commoners), the free poor, servants, and slaves.
Nobility
The nobility included the wealthy families within the same bloodline and lineage to which they were born. Following the leadership of the Tlatoani they ran the government, including the army, and oversaw the other classes. Their great wealth was accrued through management of the land, slavery, and tributes from outlying towns to the central government in the ever-expanding empire. Following the top-ranking Tlatoani were the Tetecuhtin, the high lords and the Pipiltin who were the regular lords.
Warriors
The soldiers were essential to the defense and expansion of the empire, conquering and subjugating surrounding territories. All Aztec males were required to serve in one capacity or another and received military training at a young age. The military offered an opportunity for upward class mobility for commoners and free/poor citizens (not unlike the contemporary volunteer military of the USA), in particular for taking captives for sacrifices and slavery. Also, somewhat similar to the contemporary USA, warfare was a major component of the Aztec economy, and innately entwined with religion (unlike the USA). Warriors were between 15 and 20 years old. To be eligible for battle recruits had to pass a physical test of carrying very heavy burdens for a predetermined duration. The warriors were also called on to provide additional protection of the Pochteca, and to keep an eye on the neighboring untrustworthy Tlaxcalans.
The Priests
The priests, next in rank, had an enormous amount of responsibility, respect, and power. They were the prophets of the society, observing and interpreting the movements of the heavens (planets and stars) and tracking planetary events such as eclipses. They had a direct line of communication with the gods, maintained the temples and organized all the religious festivities and associated gods, which were many. The priests oversaw and implemented human sacrifices to the gods over the sacrificial stones. They were responsible for the education of children as well as the general population in matters of religion and traditions, thereby wielding power and influence over society. There were female priests, known as cihuatlamacazqui, but they were much less common than their male counterparts.
The Middle Class
The middle class, or the commoners, made up the largest component of the population. This class was responsible for many of the skilled trades and included stone cutters, masons, feather workers, potters, weavers, sculptors, painters, boatsmiths, goldsmiths, and silversmiths. This class also included accountants and arbitrators for business and personal matters.
Poor/Free
This class could work their way up through the ranks through bravery in the military service or marriage. They included hunters (fowlers, who hunted the abundant waterfowl), fishermen, and the farmers who cultivated the chinampas of Tenochtitlan.
Servants
This class was similar to the serfs of Medieval Europe. They were owned by the nobility but had a higher status than slaves as they were allowed to marry, and their children were not automatically considered property of their owners. Unlike serfs, they could have side trades and additional income as well as their own slaves and servants. Like slaves, they could be sold but could also be freed with the proper documentation.
Slaves
The obvious does not need to be repeated. Many of these were captives of war, and subject to human sacrifice.
The Pochteca
And finally, the Pochteca. They were a powerful and elite class or guild of professional soldier – traders, ranking just below the nobility. The guilds were restricted, highly controlled, and membership was hereditary, passing from father to son. Being secretive, the guild did not share information about trade routes, source of goods, and third-party local merchants and suppliers. Although they served multiple purposes the Pochteca were primarily long-distance traveling merchants, particularly in luxury and exotic items, traveling from Tenochtitlan to Nicaragua and as far north as what is now New Mexico in the United States.
Trips could last months The trade or commerce was known as pochtecayotl in their Nahuatl language, derived from pochtecatl, which was one of the neighborhoods of Tlatelolco (now within modern Mexico City) that housed the Pochteca, and where the market, called a Pochtlan, sometimes spelled Puxtla or Puxtlan, was located.
The guild had their own internal structure which included another class of servants, tlamemeh or tamemes who were porters, as there were no beasts of burden until the arrival of the Spaniards with their horses. The word is derived from the Nahuatl word tlamama, which means to carry. Like other classes, they were born into this system and trained as children to carry heavy loads. The Pochteca sometimes received protection from the warrior class as they had to cross into foreign and potentially hostile territory outside the control of the Empire, including modern day Guatemala and other countries in Central America in order to obtain unique treasure such as quetzal feathers and birds (Chiapas, Guatemala, Costa Rica) and jade (Guatemala), for example. They had their own god, Yacatecuhtli, the patron saint of commerce, their own ceremonies, and their own laws and courts, overseen by Pochteca elders. They were allowed to keep merchandise, but public display was not permitted as to not outshine or offend the nobility. Hence, they were able to quietly self-enrich and organize elaborate feasts and rituals for their own community.
Some of the more exotic goods they brought to the Capital for the Tlatoani and the nobility included the aforementioned quetzal feathers and birds (check the penacho of Moctezuma II; a replica is on display in the Anthropology Museum in Mexico City. The original is on display at the Museum of Ethnology in Vienna, Austria) and other exotic and colorful birds such as scarlet macaws (Moctezuma II had an aviary), marine shells, turquoise, other gemstones, jaguar pelts, coca, and polychrome pottery. Many of these luxury items are on display at the Templo Mayor Museum just off the Zócalo in Mexico City.
Since they had license to unconstrained travel, they were well positioned for another role as spies and informants, relaying information about subordinate states, especially the aforementioned Tlaxcalans (who indeed betrayed the Mexica and sided with the Spaniards) to the central government in Tenochtitlan.
Although there were other merchant guilds in Mayan society called ppolom, compared to the Aztec Pochteca, they lacked the complex structure and unique characteristics of the Pochteca.
When you think of Mexico before the Spanish conquest (1521), what comes to mind? All those ruined pyramids? Confusion about who were the Aztecs, who were the Maya, who were the Incas? Maybe you think of Moctezuma, the Aztec (Mexica, to be more ethnically precise) the conquered ruler of Tenochtitlán, the seat of the Aztec empire in what is now Mexico City. Odds are, though, pre-Hispanic women didn’t leap to mind, much less women who ruled the pre-Hispanic world.
The Aztecs didn’t cohere as a political or geographical entity until fairly recently, starting in the late 1100s CE – Tenochtitlán was founded in 1325. They did, however, create a massive empire, subjugating most of the peoples of central Mexico. The Incan Empire arose just a little later, in the 1200s, in the area around Cuzco, Peru, and came to dominate northwestern South America. The Inca were conquered by Spanish forces led by Francisco Pizarro in 1532.
The Maya, on the other hand, date back to 7000-5000 BCE, and started to coalesce into a great civilization around 300 CE, eventually covering southeastern Mexico, Belize, and Guatemala. The Maya did not amass an empire, either; they were a federation of independent city states – large urban centers focused on religious activities surrounded by rural communities that supplied food and other resources. (Those cit-states did set about trying to conquer each other.)
Pre-Hispanic Women and Power
In 2018, the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York City held a special exhibition, “Golden Kingdoms: Luxury and Legacy in the Ancient Americas,” which presented objects from tombs and items of personal adornment. According to curator Joanne Pillsbury, “Had we organized this exhibition twenty-five years ago, we would have spoken primarily of the regalia of men. Over the course of single generation, thrilling discoveries have revealed the power and majesty of high-status women, deepening and enriching our understanding of ancient American history.”
We know that all three of the major pre-Hispanic groups had women in positions of power. Among the Aztecs and the Incas, they ruled as accompaniments to their husbands. The Aztecs required that a ruler have royal blood; a migratory, non-royal-blooded man could marry an Aztec princess to supply the qualifying royal genetics. The Incan king’s primary wife, the quoya (queen), ruled over all women.
The Maya were different. Of course, they had many queens who were the wives of ruling kings, but – even though rare – there were Mayan queens who wielded power on their own. In Mexico, there were a half a dozen or so, including three in Cobá, in Quintana Roo in the Yucatán; two in Palenque, in Chiapas; and one in Toniná, also in Chiapas. In addition, there were three female regents in different Mayan city states in Chiapas – regents ruled until their sons were old enough to ascend the throne, and depending on the age of that son, often served as the de facto ruler for years afterwards.
The Maya were different. Of course, they had many queens who were the wives of ruling kings, but – even though rare – there were Mayan queens who wielded power on their own. In Mexico, there were a half a dozen or so, including three in Cobá, in Quintana Roo in the Yucatán; two in Palenque, in Chiapas; and one in Toniná, also in Chiapas. In addition, there were three female regents in different Mayan city states in Chiapas – regents ruled until their sons were old enough to ascend the throne, and depending on the age of that son, often served as the de facto ruler for years afterwards.
Gender Relations among the Maya
Generations of archeologists, anthropologists, and historians have interpreted Mesoamerican life through the eyes of the Catholic Spanish conquistadors: a Euro-centric gender hierarchy, realized in the male superiority/female domesticity model. It wasn’t easy to even think that the Maya might have had independent queens, while clearly the Aztecs and Incas had only queen consorts, “help-meets” to the male kings, matching the Spanish model.
During the Classic Mesoamerican period (300-950 CE), particularly between 500-700, the Maya were started expanding their reach, usually through warfare. Alliances to control warring parties could be achieved through marriage, giving the bride who concluded the alliance power over the court. Times of war are times of social change, and women began to play more significant roles in upper-class life in general, participating in religious rituals and connecting with the supernatural.
A more fundamental force supporting women’s power was that “the Classic Maya concept of gender was based on a complementary, or balanced, relationship of masculine and feminine.” According to anthropologist Erika Anne Hewitt, now a Unitarian Universalist minister in Maine, and other anthropologists, Mayans thought of gender as “inclusive and reciprocal”; Mayan art seems to assume that the foundation of society is the female-male pair, which brings together different capabilities needed for life. The higher you go in the social scale, gender becomes “exchangeable” – males are shown with female traits and females take on male traits, depending on what their roles required. For kings and queens, this is reflected in the hieroglyphic inscriptions on tombs and monuments. In these inscriptions, identifiable people are mentioned with a string of “appellative phrases” – prescribed sequences of names and titles.
Ordinarily, a woman is identified with the glyph for a female, but for women who ruled independently, no such glyph appears in her appellation. Inscriptions for prominent women who were not independent queens applied the term na bate (warrior) “to accommodate their sharing of status or occupancy of roles that were traditionally masculine.” Moreover, in Mayan art that portrays high-status males conducting rituals, the men wear skirts; portraits of male rulers often included other feminine traits or symbols. It is possible to argue that, without this acceptance of gender fluidity, the Maya, like the Aztecs and Incas, might not have had queens.
The Queens of Cobá
Researchers from INAH (Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico’s national anthropology institute) have identified a dynasty, beginning c. 500 CE, of 14 rulers of the Mayan city-state Cobá – the dynasty lasted until almost 800 CE. The research was complicated, given the deteriorated state of the stonework throughout Cobá. Most of the information was gleaned from study of stelae, stone slabs that recorded important events and the rulers who oversaw them.
Ix Che’enal was a most probably the daughter of Yax Yopaat, king of Dzibanche, a nearby state to which Cobá was no doubt sent to Cobá to rule as Dzibanche desired. She held the high title of kaloomte, higher than the title of her husband, K’ahk Bahlam, and was queen for a short period; based on study of two stelae, she ruled from 565 to 574. At that point, she may have abdicated to her husband; in any event, he succeeded her.
Lady Yopaat is thought to have ruled c. 600-40 CE; she is called a “warrior queen” because she apparently strengthened Cobás position as a regional power, although whether that eliminated the subordination to Dzibanche is unclear.
Lady K’awiil Ajaw (also known as Ix Kʼawiil Ek) was born in 617 and ruled Cobá from 642-82; also a warrior queen, she attacked and subjugated the nearby city of Yaxuná. She promptly built a “white road” (sacbeob) connecting it with Cobá. The white road curves its way through the jungle, connecting the smaller settlements between Cobá and Yaxuná. She commissioned two stelae (#1, #5) in which she is standing atop and is surrounded by captives, a common configuration for stelae showing rulers. She is shown with 14 captives, more than any queen – and most kings as well. There are 5, perhaps a few more, stelae showing her, and she is shown wearing a belt from which hangs a jade net skirt and jade masks, a garment usually shown only on men.
The Queens of Palenque
Palenque flourished through the Early Classic and Classic periods of pre-Hispanic culture, from about 250-900 CE. It is an astonishing place to visit – tourists have been coming to Palenque since 1841, when John Lloyd Stephens and Frederick Catherwood, author and artist respectively, published Incidents of Travel, which covered Central America, Chiapas, and the Yucatán.
Yohl Ik’nal (also Lady Ol Nal) started her 22-year reign over Palenque in 583 CE, when she was 33. She was the daughter, or perhaps the sister of King Kan Bahlam I, who had died without an heir. Like Prince Philip of England, Yohl Ik’nal’s husband never became a king.
Under her rule, Palenque expanded as she built new complexes of buildings. She repelled invaders bent on subduing Palenque, and her reign was considered peaceful and prosperous.
Yohl Ik’nal had two children, a son and a daughter. When she died, she was succeeded by her son Aj Ne’ Yohl Mat, who was apparently an ineffective ruler, bringing on powerful attacks from Kalakmul – both he and his father were killed in 612, and the main temple of Palenque was destroyed,
Lady Muwaan Mat (aka Lady Sak K’uk’), Yohl Ik’nal’s daughter, became queen in 612, and ruled until her son, K’inich Janaab’ Pakal took the throne in 615, at the age of 12. Muwaan Mat (there is some debate as to whether she is the same person as Lady Sak K’uk’) had to lead Palenque through the chaotic aftermath of the Kalakmul attack, a task made more complicated by the destruction of the temple – religious rituals to ensure Palenque’s survival went on hiatus. Muwaan Mat’s son Pakal, however, ruled until his death in 683; he built the Temple of Inscriptions, ushering in a period of prosperity and progress for Palenque.
The Queen of Toniná
The latest of the Mexican Mayan queens was Lady K’awiil Yopaat, daughter of king K’inich Tuun Chapat, who died in 762; he was succeeded by “Ruler 7,” thought to be Lady K’awill Yopaat, who ruled from 762 until her death in 774. She was another warrior queen, making war on and defeating Palenque in 764.
Concepts of the afterlife have shaped culture and behavior throughout human history, from the building of the Pyramids of Egypt, to the celebration of Día de los Muertos today. Whatever we think the afterlife is “like,” including the materialist concept of no afterlife at all, influences our worldview and how we interact with other people.
From Heaven and Hell to Spiritism
Western thought regarding the afterlife has evolved through time. The concepts of Heaven and Hell did not exist in early Christianity. Christian dogma evolved from the belief in an afterlife of deep sleep until the final judgment at the end of time. Over the centuries Heaven and Hell became eternal rewards or punishments based on the conduct of humans during their time on earth. This concept remained foundational through the centuries. Then in the late 1800’s, a movement that became known as Spiritism (Spiritualism in the U.S.), arose first in Europe and spread throughout the world, particularly among the elite and educated classes. Spiritism held a belief that the afterlife was a continuity of individual consciousness, a concept similar to Eastern religious thought. Spiritism also held the concept that spirits in the afterlife could be communicated with.
One adherent of this view was Francisco Madero, the elected president of Mexico after the downfall of Porfirio Díaz. Madero may have channeled the spirit of Benito Juárez for advice in the early days of the Mexican Revolution.
Madero and the Rise of Spiritism
For a variety of reasons, Spiritism flourished in popularity around the turn of the 20th century. A turn away from the orthodoxy of mainstream religion was a particularly strong cause in the United States. New religions, such as Mormonism and the Seventh Day Adventist Church, were founded in this period, in what is known as the “Second Great Awakening,” a religious revival movement in the U.S. (c. 1795-1835). (The original “Great Awakening” was similar and started in Great Britain, flourishing in the colonies from the 1730s-1770s.)
Another factor that moved western thought towards a different view of the afterlife was the groundbreaking publication in 1859 of “The Origin of Species” by Charles Darwin. The acceptance that life arose on earth through a natural process rather than divine creation was an intellectual paradigm shift that is still reverberating today. Spiritism, fully embracing evolution as a concept, holds that evolution of individual consciousness continues in the afterlife.
The spiritual beliefs of Francisco Madero were consistent with these concepts. Francisco Ignacio Madero González (1873-1913) was from one of the wealthiest Mexican families of the time. He was educated in France and the United States. In the international educated elite circles where Madero moved, the concepts of Spiritism were widely held. The Spiritist held that there were seven hierarchical realms in the afterlife; Spiritism postulated lower “hell-like” realms, up to realms very much like our physical realm, through to higher angelic realms, and ultimately a realm where individual consciousness (the soul) merged with the divine.
This afterlife view of Spiritism, in which individual consciousness can evolve to higher realms, is fundamentally intertwined with the concept of reincarnation. But reincarnation back into our physical realm wasn’t seen as something that happened immediately. Rather, there is time between lives where spirits are believed to exist in the afterlife realm of their evolutionary attainment. This “between lives” period of the afterlife enables mediums to connect to the spirit of the deceased. In the case of Madero’s mediumship, most of his initial contact, he believed, was with his younger brother Raul, who had died at age three.
In 1908, Madero published La sucesión presidencial en 1910, after the long-serving president and dictator, Porfirio Díaz announced in an interview with American journalist James Creelman, that Mexico was ready for democracy and that he would retire in 1910. Díaz subsequently changed his mind, Madero organized the anti-reelection opposition, Díaz had Madero imprisoned, and proceeded to rig the election for yet another term. Madero escaped from prison and while residing in San Antonio, Texas, wrote a manifesto, the “Plan of San Luis Potosí,” considered the founding document of the Mexican Revolution. (Recall that the Mexican Revolution was more of a series of regional conflicts than a clear war; it might have ended in 1917, with the establishment of the Mexican Constitution, but fighting continued on for years.) Madero’s writing led to the overthrow of Porfirio Díaz and Madero’s winning the interim presidential election of 1911.
Historians have given Francisco Madero a couple of significant titles: “Apostle of Democracy” and “Father of the Revolution.” He has been frequently described as having been a decent and honest man. In 2013, Michael Benjamin Amoruso, a doctoral student at the University of Texas in Austin, published a paper for the American Academy of Religion annual meeting, “A Transcendental Mission: Spiritism and the Revolutionary Politics of Francisco I. Madero, 1900-1911.” (The author is now an Assistant Professor of Religious Studies at Occidental University in Los Angeles). Amoruso argued that Madero “understood his political action as the earthly component of spiritual struggle.” Madero expresses a
prescriptive Spiritist vision, in which democracy represents a triumph of human’s “higher nature” over the “base, selfish passions” of Porfirio Díaz and his regime.
In his memoir, Madero wrote that beings in the afterlife instructed him in moral and spiritual matters. The political documents that launched the ousting of Porfirio Díaz were likely channeled from a source noted by Madero as “Jose.” Other journals from his channeled works were noted as being from “BJ,” considered by some to be Benito Juárez, the president of Mexico who preceded Porfirio Díaz.
Madero’s beliefs and practices of Spiritism were not a secret in Mexican society of the time. There were cartoons in Mexico City newspapers lampooning the president performing seances; the press described Madero as a “loco que se comunicaba con los muertos” (a madman who talks with the dead). In 1913, a segment of the army rebelled against Madero, and General Victoriano Huerta joined them. Huerta had risen to General under Porfirio Díaz, and Madero apparently did not completely trust him but felt he needed him.
The rebellion resulted in a coup d’etat – aided by the U.S. – against Madero; Huerta had Madero and his Vice-President, José María Pino Suárez, murdered in an alley within the week. Madero was 39; Suárez 44. The New York weekly newspaper The Sun trumpeted huge headlines: “MADERO AND SUAREZ SHOT DEAD ON WAY TO PRISON.” Madero’s overthrow and execution seemed to have nothing to do with his beliefs in the evolution of individuals across lifetimes towards a selfless growth in divine love. His fate was rather a raw power grab by Huerta.
I can’t imagine that Madero and Huerta ended up in the same realm in anyone’s version of the afterlife.
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